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Wednesday, December 31, 2008
Lawyer urges action on Canadian jailed in Ethiopia
By Emily Mathieu (Staff Reporter)
TheStar.com (Dec 31, 2008) - It has been two years since Canadian citizen Bashir Makhtal was arrested on suspicion of terrorism and placed in an Ethiopian jail and a lawyer hired by his family said the Canadian government has yet to make serious efforts to secure his return.
"This is the type of situation where a strong position taken by our foreign minister, or Prime Minister, would undoubtedly put some kind of significant pressure on the government," said Lorne Waldman of Waldman & Associates.
"It's been two years – he has not been given access to a lawyer for two years," said Waldman.
Makhtal was born in Ethiopia but lived in Toronto's Riverdale neighbourhood for more than a decade before leaving the country in 2002. Waldman said he was arrested in late December 2006 in Kenya near the Somalia border because of suspected connections to the Ogaden National Liberation Front, a separatist group operating in Ethiopia. Waldman added that Makhtal's grandfather was allegedly one of the group's founders.
In January 2007 Makhtal was illegally transported from Kenya to Ethiopia and has yet to be charged with anything and there has been no indication that there will be a date set for trial, said Waldman.
"It's a pretty disturbing situation," he said.
Makhtal's family hired a lawyer in Ethiopia who has also repeatedly been denied access to Makhtal, he said.
When asked about the status of the case, Daniel Barbarie, a spokesperson for the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada, stated the following in an email: "Canadian officials have made numerous high-level representations to Ethiopian authorities to obtain consular access to Mr. Makhtal, which has been granted on two occasions since July 2008. High level representations include those made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and his Parliamentary Secretary, as well as the Secretary of State of Foreign Affairs and our Ambassador in Ethiopia."
He continued: "We are continuing our efforts to gain regular consular access and to ensure that Mr. Makhtal is granted access to legal counsel of his choice."
Waldman said that because of the large amounts of aid Canada provides to Ethiopia, this country has leverage to negotiate with the government, but they are not using it.
"In my opinion in this case they have not been acting effectively."
"This is the type of situation where a strong position taken by our foreign minister, or Prime Minister, would undoubtedly put some kind of significant pressure on the government," said Lorne Waldman of Waldman & Associates.
"It's been two years – he has not been given access to a lawyer for two years," said Waldman.
Makhtal was born in Ethiopia but lived in Toronto's Riverdale neighbourhood for more than a decade before leaving the country in 2002. Waldman said he was arrested in late December 2006 in Kenya near the Somalia border because of suspected connections to the Ogaden National Liberation Front, a separatist group operating in Ethiopia. Waldman added that Makhtal's grandfather was allegedly one of the group's founders.
In January 2007 Makhtal was illegally transported from Kenya to Ethiopia and has yet to be charged with anything and there has been no indication that there will be a date set for trial, said Waldman.
"It's a pretty disturbing situation," he said.
Makhtal's family hired a lawyer in Ethiopia who has also repeatedly been denied access to Makhtal, he said.
When asked about the status of the case, Daniel Barbarie, a spokesperson for the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada, stated the following in an email: "Canadian officials have made numerous high-level representations to Ethiopian authorities to obtain consular access to Mr. Makhtal, which has been granted on two occasions since July 2008. High level representations include those made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and his Parliamentary Secretary, as well as the Secretary of State of Foreign Affairs and our Ambassador in Ethiopia."
He continued: "We are continuing our efforts to gain regular consular access and to ensure that Mr. Makhtal is granted access to legal counsel of his choice."
Waldman said that because of the large amounts of aid Canada provides to Ethiopia, this country has leverage to negotiate with the government, but they are not using it.
"In my opinion in this case they have not been acting effectively."
Ethiopians primed to leave Somalia within 5 days
By Ibrahim Mohamed
Reuters, Mogadishu (Dec 31 2008) - Ethiopian troops propping up Somalia's Western-backed government are primed to withdraw in the next five days, officials said on Wednesday, potentially leaving a dangerous power vacuum in the Horn of Africa nation.
The end of Ethiopia's two-year presence in Somalia and this week's departure of President Abdullahi Yusuf are seen by diplomats and analysts as an opportunity to forge an inclusive government which can work for peace.
But some Islamist insurgents have vowed to keep fighting the government even when its military allies leave, and a hardline opposition group seen as key to any lasting peace said Somalia risked a new civil war.
"We remain in our bases, but we have been ordered to prepare for departure any hour in the coming five days," said an Ethiopian military official, who declined to be named because he was not authorised to talk to the media.
A senior government official also said the troops would go and that Somali Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein would discuss the withdrawal with African Union and Ethiopian officials in Ethiopia's capital Addis Ababa on Thursday.
"We so far have been informed that Ethiopian soldiers shall all leave Mogadishu the first week of January as already planned and I can confirm to you they will pull out," he told Reuters.
Ethiopian troops in Somalia are estimated at up to 3,000 and the international community has been scrambling to beef up a separate African Union force there of 3,200 troops, but the United Nations has ruled out any quick deployment.
African Union officials say some 2,500 soldiers from Uganda, Burundi and Nigeria are ready to deploy but financial and logistical obstacles have so far prevented them from effectively replacing those Ethiopian soldiers left.
ISLAMISTS TO FIGHT ON
Without central government since 1991, Somalia has become the epitome of a failed state and the chaos onshore has fuelled rampant piracy in the busy shipping lanes off the coast.
More than 10,000 civilians have been killed in a two-year Islamist insurgency, a million people have fled their homes and a third of the population rely on emergency aid.
Diplomats say the Ethiopian departure may take the sting out of the insurgency, which has become a nationalist cause and holds sway in much of southern and central Somalia.
Without the Ethiopians to fight, diplomats predict the Islamists will fracture into a small militant wing urging Jihad, or holy war, and moderate elements more open to talks.
A spokesman for the most hardline wing, al Shabaab, which is on Washington's terrorist list, said on Tuesday the group would wage war until Somalia became an Islamic state.
Diplomats in the region hope Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, leader of the hardline wing of the opposition Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia, can be encouraged to become part of a more inclusive administration.
But Aweys made clear in an interview with Reuters on Tuesday he would not join the peace process when the Ethiopians go, nor work with Transitional Federal Government (TFG)
"It is not in our plan and we shall never participate in the Djibouti peace process. If we were ready, we would follow our friends who defected to the TFG," he told Reuters from Asmara.
"If Ethiopia pulls out we may hold a conference for all Somalis -- save the criminals." (Additional reporting by Abdi Sheikh in Mogadishu, Writing by David Clarke; Editing by Charles Dick)
The end of Ethiopia's two-year presence in Somalia and this week's departure of President Abdullahi Yusuf are seen by diplomats and analysts as an opportunity to forge an inclusive government which can work for peace.
But some Islamist insurgents have vowed to keep fighting the government even when its military allies leave, and a hardline opposition group seen as key to any lasting peace said Somalia risked a new civil war.
"We remain in our bases, but we have been ordered to prepare for departure any hour in the coming five days," said an Ethiopian military official, who declined to be named because he was not authorised to talk to the media.
A senior government official also said the troops would go and that Somali Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein would discuss the withdrawal with African Union and Ethiopian officials in Ethiopia's capital Addis Ababa on Thursday.
"We so far have been informed that Ethiopian soldiers shall all leave Mogadishu the first week of January as already planned and I can confirm to you they will pull out," he told Reuters.
Ethiopian troops in Somalia are estimated at up to 3,000 and the international community has been scrambling to beef up a separate African Union force there of 3,200 troops, but the United Nations has ruled out any quick deployment.
African Union officials say some 2,500 soldiers from Uganda, Burundi and Nigeria are ready to deploy but financial and logistical obstacles have so far prevented them from effectively replacing those Ethiopian soldiers left.
ISLAMISTS TO FIGHT ON
Without central government since 1991, Somalia has become the epitome of a failed state and the chaos onshore has fuelled rampant piracy in the busy shipping lanes off the coast.
More than 10,000 civilians have been killed in a two-year Islamist insurgency, a million people have fled their homes and a third of the population rely on emergency aid.
Diplomats say the Ethiopian departure may take the sting out of the insurgency, which has become a nationalist cause and holds sway in much of southern and central Somalia.
Without the Ethiopians to fight, diplomats predict the Islamists will fracture into a small militant wing urging Jihad, or holy war, and moderate elements more open to talks.
A spokesman for the most hardline wing, al Shabaab, which is on Washington's terrorist list, said on Tuesday the group would wage war until Somalia became an Islamic state.
Diplomats in the region hope Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, leader of the hardline wing of the opposition Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia, can be encouraged to become part of a more inclusive administration.
But Aweys made clear in an interview with Reuters on Tuesday he would not join the peace process when the Ethiopians go, nor work with Transitional Federal Government (TFG)
"It is not in our plan and we shall never participate in the Djibouti peace process. If we were ready, we would follow our friends who defected to the TFG," he told Reuters from Asmara.
"If Ethiopia pulls out we may hold a conference for all Somalis -- save the criminals." (Additional reporting by Abdi Sheikh in Mogadishu, Writing by David Clarke; Editing by Charles Dick)
US Concern over Ethiopia Opposition Party (UDJP) Leader's Re-Arrest
AFP, ADDIS ABABA (Dec 31 2008) — The US embassy in Addis Ababa on Wednesday voiced concern over the fate of an opposition leader who was jailed after her pardon from a life sentence was revoked.
Birtukan Midekssa, head of the Unity for Democracy Justice party, irked the regime when she reportedly claimed during a recent visit to Europe that she had never voiced remorse or acknowledged any mistake to obtain her pardon in 2007.
"The United States is concerned about the government of Ethiopia's arrest of Unity for Democracy and Justice Party leader Birtukan Midekssa," the embassy's information officer Darragh Paradiso told AFP.
"We are particularly concerned by reports that Birtukan's pardon has been revoked and she has begun a life sentence in prison."
The 35-year-old woman, who was detained with dozens of opposition figures and supporters in the aftermath of disputed 2005 elections, was last week given a three-day ultimatum by the authorities to confirm or deny the reports.
The justice ministry announced on Tuesday that she has resumed serving her life term.
The United States, a staunch Ethiopian ally and the country's top aid contributor, called for more political freedom.
"A vibrant opposition, independent media, and a robust civil society are essential elements of any democracy," Paradiso said.
"The United States looks to the government of Ethiopia to provide the political space necessary for them to function. Steps that appear to criminalise dissent impede progress on democratisation," he added.
Birtukan's party made its most spectacular electoral gains ever in the 2005 polls and cried foul over reported fraud, claiming it was robbed of victory by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's ruling party.
The ensuing unrest left close to 200 civilians dead and drew international condemnation.
Birtukan Midekssa, head of the Unity for Democracy Justice party, irked the regime when she reportedly claimed during a recent visit to Europe that she had never voiced remorse or acknowledged any mistake to obtain her pardon in 2007.
"The United States is concerned about the government of Ethiopia's arrest of Unity for Democracy and Justice Party leader Birtukan Midekssa," the embassy's information officer Darragh Paradiso told AFP.
"We are particularly concerned by reports that Birtukan's pardon has been revoked and she has begun a life sentence in prison."
The 35-year-old woman, who was detained with dozens of opposition figures and supporters in the aftermath of disputed 2005 elections, was last week given a three-day ultimatum by the authorities to confirm or deny the reports.
The justice ministry announced on Tuesday that she has resumed serving her life term.
The United States, a staunch Ethiopian ally and the country's top aid contributor, called for more political freedom.
"A vibrant opposition, independent media, and a robust civil society are essential elements of any democracy," Paradiso said.
"The United States looks to the government of Ethiopia to provide the political space necessary for them to function. Steps that appear to criminalise dissent impede progress on democratisation," he added.
Birtukan's party made its most spectacular electoral gains ever in the 2005 polls and cried foul over reported fraud, claiming it was robbed of victory by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's ruling party.
The ensuing unrest left close to 200 civilians dead and drew international condemnation.
Ethiopian Airlines Pilot killed in training plane crash in Ethiopia
APA: Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (Dec 31 2008) - An Ethiopian training airplane crashed late on Tuesday in Butajira, located some 160 km South of Addis Ababa killing its sole occupant, the trainer pilot, sources confirmed here Wednesday.
Ethiopian air lines made the announcement, explaining that the aircraft hit a mountain during its flight killing the pilot instantly.
The pilot had thrown signals of bad weather shortly before the crash, the source said.
The training air plane, SISINA 101, had been used for the past few years to train Ethiopians and foreigners at the training center owned by Ethiopian air lines.
Meanwhile, a technical team has been despatched to the area to investigate the real cause of the incident and possibly retrieve the body of the Ethiopian trainer pilot.
Ethiopian air lines made the announcement, explaining that the aircraft hit a mountain during its flight killing the pilot instantly.
The pilot had thrown signals of bad weather shortly before the crash, the source said.
The training air plane, SISINA 101, had been used for the past few years to train Ethiopians and foreigners at the training center owned by Ethiopian air lines.
Meanwhile, a technical team has been despatched to the area to investigate the real cause of the incident and possibly retrieve the body of the Ethiopian trainer pilot.
Somali president's resignation could resolve crisis: Ethiopia
AFP, ADDIS ABABA (Dec 30 2008) — Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed's resignation after a drawn-out power struggle could boost efforts to stabilise the country, a senior Ethiopian official said on Tuesday.
Yusuf announced his resignation on Monday following a bitter feud with his prime minister, adding concerns about increased political instability to fears of a security vacuum as Ethiopian troops pull out of Somalia.
But Bereket Simon, an advisor to Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, said Yusuf's departure could give fresh impetus to a transitional administration long crippled by internal differences.
"Both President Yusuf and (prime minister) Nur Hassan Hussein were friends of ours but Yusuf has decided to resign. His resignation will contribute to the strengthening of the government in Somalia and in resolving the crisis," Bereket told AFP.
Yusuf was at odds with Hussein, particularly over attempts to achieve reconciliation with an Islamist-dominated opposition group with which the government clinched a deal in UN-mediated talks in Djibouti in June.
Neighbouring countries had criticised Yusuf's bid to dismiss the premier, with sanctions threatened by some.
Addis Ababa sent in troops in late 2006 to rescue the internationally backed transitional government and prevent the emergence of an Islamic republic on its doorstep.
Ethiopia said it would withdraw by January 5, after failing to stabilise the country and root out hardline Islamists.
Bereket said his country's decision to leave Somalia was not linked to Yusuf's fate.
"Our withdrawal timetable was designated after an overall assessment of the situation in Somalia. It wasn't based on anyone's resignation," he said.
Yusuf has since left Baidoa for the northern breakaway state of Puntland, of which he became the president when it declared its autonomy in 1998.
Yusuf announced his resignation on Monday following a bitter feud with his prime minister, adding concerns about increased political instability to fears of a security vacuum as Ethiopian troops pull out of Somalia.
But Bereket Simon, an advisor to Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, said Yusuf's departure could give fresh impetus to a transitional administration long crippled by internal differences.
"Both President Yusuf and (prime minister) Nur Hassan Hussein were friends of ours but Yusuf has decided to resign. His resignation will contribute to the strengthening of the government in Somalia and in resolving the crisis," Bereket told AFP.
Yusuf was at odds with Hussein, particularly over attempts to achieve reconciliation with an Islamist-dominated opposition group with which the government clinched a deal in UN-mediated talks in Djibouti in June.
Neighbouring countries had criticised Yusuf's bid to dismiss the premier, with sanctions threatened by some.
Addis Ababa sent in troops in late 2006 to rescue the internationally backed transitional government and prevent the emergence of an Islamic republic on its doorstep.
Ethiopia said it would withdraw by January 5, after failing to stabilise the country and root out hardline Islamists.
Bereket said his country's decision to leave Somalia was not linked to Yusuf's fate.
"Our withdrawal timetable was designated after an overall assessment of the situation in Somalia. It wasn't based on anyone's resignation," he said.
Yusuf has since left Baidoa for the northern breakaway state of Puntland, of which he became the president when it declared its autonomy in 1998.
Ethiopia's pardoned critic jailed
Birtukan Medeksa was regarded as a heroine during her trial BBC News (Dec 30 3008) - Ethiopia's main opposition leader has been sent to prison to serve a life sentence, after a pardon granted to her last year was revoked.
Birtukan Medeksa was among more than 100 people jailed for offences after controversial polls in 2005.
A dispute over the terms of her release caused her re-arrest.
Her colleague Berhanu Nega, who was also pardoned and now lives in exile, told the BBC it showed the government "was hell-bent on staying in power".
The BBC's Elizabeth Blunt in the capital, Addis Ababa, says Ms Birtukan was a former judge and one of the younger and more charismatic leaders of the coalition which did so astonishingly well against the ruling party in the 2005 elections.
Our reporter says that while in jail facing charges of treason, she became even more of a heroine, attracting widespread sympathy as a single mother separated from her baby daughter.
After the opposition leaders were pardoned and released last year, she emerged as the leader of a new coalition, the Union for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), painstakingly stitched together from various opposition groupings to contest elections in 2010.
Mistakes
The government news agency, quoting the ministry of justice, said her pardon had been revoked, since she had denied requesting her pardon.
Ms Birtukan's problems started when she spoke to journalists abroad about the way the opposition leaders were released, our correspondent says.
She talked about negotiations which had taken place between the opposition and government, with the help of a panel of elders, before their pardon was granted.
The government prefers to lay emphasis on a document signed by the prisoners, regretting any mistakes they had committed and asking for pardon.
This implies that their release was part of a normal judicial process, rather than in any way part of a negotiated political deal.
Mr Berhanu, who was elected mayor of Addis Ababa in 2005 and now lives in the United States, says the aim of the government is to "humiliate" any opposition to its rule.
"What this is doing is to change the nature of the struggle," he told the BBC's Network Africa programme.
"There is no other way to freedom and liberty in that country without getting rid of this government."
Also Related:
Birtukan Midekssa, head of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, irked the regime when she reportedly claimed during a recent visit to Europe that she had never voiced remorse or acknowledged any mistake to obtain her pardon.
The 35-year-old woman, who was detained with dozens of opposition figures and supporters in the aftermath of disputed 2005 elections, was last week given a three-day ultimatum by the authorities to confirm or deny the reports.
"The government granted pardon to Birtukan and her fellow CUD leaders as per their own request," said a justice ministry statement, quoted by the state-run Ethiopian News Agency.
"The pardon granted to Birtukan is now revoked since she failed to annul her denial, though she was repeatedly requested to do so," the statement added.
Birtukan was one of several opposition leaders serving a life sentence to be pardoned by the Ethiopian president in July 2007, after two years in prison.
The justice ministry said she had now resumed serving her life term.
"As per the article 16/4 of the bill of pardon, Birtukan (was) arrested and began serving life as of 29 December 2008," the statement added.
Birtukan's party made its most spectacular electoral gains ever in the 2005 polls and cried foul over reported fraud, claiming it was robbed of victory by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's ruling party.
The ensuing unrest left close to 200 civilians dead and drew international condemnation.
Birtukan Medeksa was among more than 100 people jailed for offences after controversial polls in 2005.
A dispute over the terms of her release caused her re-arrest.
Her colleague Berhanu Nega, who was also pardoned and now lives in exile, told the BBC it showed the government "was hell-bent on staying in power".
The BBC's Elizabeth Blunt in the capital, Addis Ababa, says Ms Birtukan was a former judge and one of the younger and more charismatic leaders of the coalition which did so astonishingly well against the ruling party in the 2005 elections.
Our reporter says that while in jail facing charges of treason, she became even more of a heroine, attracting widespread sympathy as a single mother separated from her baby daughter.
After the opposition leaders were pardoned and released last year, she emerged as the leader of a new coalition, the Union for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), painstakingly stitched together from various opposition groupings to contest elections in 2010.
Mistakes
The government news agency, quoting the ministry of justice, said her pardon had been revoked, since she had denied requesting her pardon.
Ms Birtukan's problems started when she spoke to journalists abroad about the way the opposition leaders were released, our correspondent says.
She talked about negotiations which had taken place between the opposition and government, with the help of a panel of elders, before their pardon was granted.
The government prefers to lay emphasis on a document signed by the prisoners, regretting any mistakes they had committed and asking for pardon.
This implies that their release was part of a normal judicial process, rather than in any way part of a negotiated political deal.
Mr Berhanu, who was elected mayor of Addis Ababa in 2005 and now lives in the United States, says the aim of the government is to "humiliate" any opposition to its rule.
"What this is doing is to change the nature of the struggle," he told the BBC's Network Africa programme.
"There is no other way to freedom and liberty in that country without getting rid of this government."
Also Related:
Ethiopia revokes life sentence pardon for opposition leader
AFP, ADDIS ABABA (Dec 30 2008) — Ethiopia has arrested the leader of the country's largest opposition party and overturned the jail pardon from life imprisonment she was granted last year, state media said on Tuesday.Birtukan Midekssa, head of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, irked the regime when she reportedly claimed during a recent visit to Europe that she had never voiced remorse or acknowledged any mistake to obtain her pardon.
The 35-year-old woman, who was detained with dozens of opposition figures and supporters in the aftermath of disputed 2005 elections, was last week given a three-day ultimatum by the authorities to confirm or deny the reports.
"The government granted pardon to Birtukan and her fellow CUD leaders as per their own request," said a justice ministry statement, quoted by the state-run Ethiopian News Agency.
"The pardon granted to Birtukan is now revoked since she failed to annul her denial, though she was repeatedly requested to do so," the statement added.
Birtukan was one of several opposition leaders serving a life sentence to be pardoned by the Ethiopian president in July 2007, after two years in prison.
The justice ministry said she had now resumed serving her life term.
"As per the article 16/4 of the bill of pardon, Birtukan (was) arrested and began serving life as of 29 December 2008," the statement added.
Birtukan's party made its most spectacular electoral gains ever in the 2005 polls and cried foul over reported fraud, claiming it was robbed of victory by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's ruling party.
The ensuing unrest left close to 200 civilians dead and drew international condemnation.
Monday, December 29, 2008
Call for Immediate and Unconditional Release of Judge Birtukan Mediksa: Chairwoman of the main opposition party (UDJP) in Ethiopia
ANDINET NORTH AMERICA ASSOCIATION OF SUPPORT ORGANIZATIONS
Press Release
December 29, 2008
We just learned that Mrs. Bitrukan Medekasa has been arrested and taken to prison by Ethiopian secuirty forces from her party’s headquarter. Her colleague, Professor Mesfin Woldemariam and her driver who were with her at the time were physically assulated by the secuirty officers. It is reported that the elder Proessor Mesfin is taken to the hospital.
Mrs. Birtukan Mediksa has endured a barrage of intimidation propganda campaign by the Ethiopian government controlled media and has been under constant secuirty servillaince restricting her movement since last week. The harassement and now the arrest of Jusge Birtukan Medekas is all aimed at preventing her from doing her activity as a leader of the most popular and oppositon party.
Her arrest is a powerful reminder of the unrelenting repression in Ethiopia and we call upon all Human Rights Organizations, Democratic Governments to pressure the governement of Ethiopia to release judge Birtukan Medikas immediately and with out any condition.
ANDINET NORTH AMERICA ASSOCIATION OF SUPPORT ORGANIZATIONS
Mrs. Birtukan Mediksa has endured a barrage of intimidation propganda campaign by the Ethiopian government controlled media and has been under constant secuirty servillaince restricting her movement since last week. The harassement and now the arrest of Jusge Birtukan Medekas is all aimed at preventing her from doing her activity as a leader of the most popular and oppositon party.
Her arrest is a powerful reminder of the unrelenting repression in Ethiopia and we call upon all Human Rights Organizations, Democratic Governments to pressure the governement of Ethiopia to release judge Birtukan Medikas immediately and with out any condition.
ANDINET NORTH AMERICA ASSOCIATION OF SUPPORT ORGANIZATIONS
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á á áŤáŁá˘á á¨áá አá¨ááá ááľááŽá˝ áá˘áľáŽáľáŤ áᏠáĽáá°ááášáľ á¨áá á/á ááľáá áá° ááľááłá áłááá°áą áĽááłááá¨á á/áľ áĽááąáŤá á°áá áááá á¨áľ áĽáá°áá áŁááłáá á áłáľá¨á á°ááľá°áá።
áĽáá/á ááľáá ááľá°á áłáá¤á á˝/á¤áľ á¨áá áŠáľ á/áľ ááľáááá á¨áá ᨠá°ááľ áá áááá áááŽáťá˝á á˘ááášá፤ á°ááą á/áľ áĽááąáŤá á á ááŽá áŤá°á¨ááľ áááá áá á á°áŤáŤá á áá á°áá á¨á˘á á á´á áŁááĽááŁááľá á¨áááá áĽááá “áá ááł á áá á¨á áá áĽááťá” á áá ááááá ᯠáá áĽá¨á°á¨á° áŤáá áá¨áŁ፣ áŤáá ááľááŤáŤáľ áá áľáááŤáŤá áá ááá á¨á°á¨ááá ááá áŁáááá፤ ááá áĽáá°áá˝á áá á°á áŤá áááľ á°á°áĽáśáłá።
á áá á°áá á á°ááá á á/áľ áĽááąáŤá áá áĽá¨á°á¨á° áŤááá áĽááááľ፣ áŤáá ááľááŤáŤáľ á áľááááś á áľá°áŤá¨áľ áĽáá˛á°áĄá á¨á á¨á áá¸á á¨á˘áľáŽáľáŤ áᏠá¨áááľá á°áŁáŁáŞ á¨áá á ááľ á¨ááá˛áŤ á°ááłá፤ “á¨á°áá á¨á˘á á á´á áľáááśá˝ á á°ááá á á ááá áľáá á ááá á ááá ááľáĽ áĽá¨á°áááłááą áŤááľá ááá˛á¨áá˝á á á ááá áľáá á¨ááŤáááľá á˘áľáŽáľáŤáá á°áľá áááľáá¨áĽ á¨áá°á¨á áĽáá áľáá´ á áľáá áá á¨áááá¨á°á” áĽááá።
áĽáá á°ááłá á áááá “á¨á˘á á á´á áŁá ᪠á ááá áŤá¨áá áĽáá°áá á°áá፤ á á ááľááľ ááᲠá ááŤáŽá˝ ááľáĽ ááá°áľ áááá áá á¨á°á¨áá á¨ááá˛áŤ á á¨á ááĽá¨áľ áĽááłááá áááľá¨á áĽáá°áá ááááľ ááťáá። á áá á ááááŤáľ á¨á ááľááľ á ááŤáŽá˝ á ááľáŁá¸á áŤááá áĽááŤáŹ áĽááľ á áĽááłá¸á á¨áááľáá áľ á ááŁá áá á¨áá áááľ á áá። ááá á áá á¨78 áááľ ááľá áŁááá á¨áááľá á/á ááľáá ááá°áááŤáá á°áĽáľáŚ áááľááłá áááłá¨á á¨á°áááá።” á˛á ááá¸áá።
á¨á ááľááľ áá˛áááŤá˛á áááľá ááááá á á¨áááľ á/áľ áĽááąáŤá áá°á áł áĽá á¨ááá˛á áĽááŤá ááá á¤áľ á áŁá áááľ ááŽáá á ááľáá ááá°áááŤá á¨á ááą á áŤáľ á°ááľ á áŤáŁá˘ ááᎠ“ááŞááááľ áááşá” á á°á°ááá áŚá á áŤáŁá˘ á¨áááá ááľáŞáŤ á¤áľ áá áŠ። “ááŞááááľ áááşá” á¨áááŤá á ááľá°á áłáá¤á á˛áá፣ ááľá°áŠ áá፠97áľá á°á¨áľá áłáľá¨á á¨áá áŠáľá á¨ááľáá á¨á áá áľ á¨áá°á á ááŤáŽá˝ áááľááłáľ á á°áááá á¨á˝ááááá˝ áĄáľá ááľáĽ á áŁá áá¸á።
áááą á¨á ááľááľ ááᲠááĽáŤážá˝á á¨áá°á á ááŤá á áŁááľ áá° ááľá°áŠ ááĽáŞáŤ á¤áľ áŤááŠáľ á¨á/áľ áĽááąáŤá áá á á°áŤáŤá áááá¨á á°ááľ ááłá áĽáá°áá á á¨á˘áľáŽáľáŤ áᏠáááŽá˝ ááá¸áá።
á¨á áŤáľ á°ááľ áááł á áá ááľá°á áłáá¤á á/á ááľááá áĽá á/áľ áĽááąáŤáá á¨á˝/á¤áłá¸á á¸áá°áá¸á áĽáá°á°áááą፤ á¨á ááľááľ ááᲠá ááŤáŽáš áá°ááŞáááťá¸á áŤááŤá። á áá á á°ááľ á/áľ áĽááąáŤáá á°á áááśá˝ áĽáá°áá á¨á°áááą á°áá˝ áá¨áĄáá¸áá። áá á áá ááŽáá á ááľáá ááá°áááŤá áá° á/áľ áĽááąáŤáá áá°á¨á á§á¸á á¨á°á áááľ á°áá˝ á áááŤáľ áááŠá áááŁáŤáľ áĽá¨áľ áŤá°ááá።
á¨áŁá˘ááš á/áľ áĽááąáŤáá áááá°áľ áĽáá°áᥠá˛áááŠ፤ á/á ááľáá á°áá “áá áá ááłá°á áá ááľ á°á áá áŤá°ááá፤ á á ááľ áá¨ááľ á ááá ááááľ ááĽáŞáŤ áĽáľááŠááľ ááľááŁáá˝á áľá˝á áá á” á áááľ á˛áááŠ፤ “áá á ááŁá !” á áááľá á ááŤá áááá á áááá á áĽáááŤá á áĽá áá°á áľá§á¸áá።
á á áŤáŁá˘á á¨áá አá¨ááá ááľááŽá˝ áá˘áľáŽáľáŤ áᏠáĽáá°ááášáľ á¨áá á/á ááľáá áá° ááľááłá áłááá°áą áĽááłááá¨á á/áľ áĽááąáŤá á°áá áááá á¨áľ áĽáá°áá áŁááłáá á áłáľá¨á á°ááľá°áá።
áĽáá/á ááľáá ááľá°á áłáá¤á á˝/á¤áľ á¨áá áŠáľ á/áľ ááľáááá á¨áá ᨠá°ááľ áá áááá áááŽáťá˝á á˘ááášá፤ á°ááą á/áľ áĽááąáŤá á á ááŽá áŤá°á¨ááľ áááá áá á á°áŤáŤá á áá á°áá á¨á˘á á á´á áŁááĽááŁááľá á¨áááá áĽááá “áá ááł á áá á¨á áá áĽááťá” á áá ááááá ᯠáá áĽá¨á°á¨á° áŤáá áá¨áŁ፣ áŤáá ááľááŤáŤáľ áá áľáááŤáŤá áá ááá á¨á°á¨ááá ááá áŁáááá፤ ááá áĽáá°áá˝á áá á°á áŤá áááľ á°á°áĽáśáłá።
á áá á°áá á á°ááá á á/áľ áĽááąáŤá áá áĽá¨á°á¨á° áŤááá áĽááááľ፣ áŤáá ááľááŤáŤáľ á áľááááś á áľá°áŤá¨áľ áĽáá˛á°áĄá á¨á á¨á áá¸á á¨á˘áľáŽáľáŤ áᏠá¨áááľá á°áŁáŁáŞ á¨áá á ááľ á¨ááá˛áŤ á°ááłá፤ “á¨á°áá á¨á˘á á á´á áľáááśá˝ á á°ááá á á ááá áľáá á ááá á ááá ááľáĽ áĽá¨á°áááłááą áŤááľá ááá˛á¨áá˝á á á ááá áľáá á¨ááŤáááľá á˘áľáŽáľáŤáá á°áľá áááľáá¨áĽ á¨áá°á¨á áĽáá áľáá´ á áľáá áá á¨áááá¨á°á” áĽááá።
áĽáá á°ááłá á áááá “á¨á˘á á á´á áŁá ᪠á ááá áŤá¨áá áĽáá°áá á°áá፤ á á ááľááľ ááᲠá ááŤáŽá˝ ááľáĽ ááá°áľ áááá áá á¨á°á¨áá á¨ááá˛áŤ á á¨á ááĽá¨áľ áĽááłááá áááľá¨á áĽáá°áá ááááľ ááťáá። á áá á ááááŤáľ á¨á ááľááľ á ááŤáŽá˝ á ááľáŁá¸á áŤááá áĽááŤáŹ áĽááľ á áĽááłá¸á á¨áááľáá áľ á ááŁá áá á¨áá áááľ á áá። ááá á áá á¨78 áááľ ááľá áŁááá á¨áááľá á/á ááľáá ááá°áááŤáá á°áĽáľáŚ áááľááłá áááłá¨á á¨á°áááá።” á˛á ááá¸áá።
Breaking News - Birtukan arrested, Prof. Mesfin attacked & Hospitalized!
EMF (Dec 29 2008)- Andinet party president, Birtukan Midekisa has been arrested today. In related news, other Meles Zenawi forces broke into the office of UDJ and attacked professor Mesfin Woldemariam. According to EMF source, Professor Mesfin is severely bitten.Now Birtukan is in jail and Prof. Mesfin is in the hospital and he is in critical condition. At this moment, our source added that Judge Birtukan’s driver is also arrested, other UDJ party leaders are assaulted by Zenawi forces.
Also From Bloomberg
Ethiopian Police Re-Arrest Opposition Leader Mideksa
By Jason McLureBloomberg (Dec. 29) - Ethiopian federal police re-arrested opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa a year after she was released on a pardon following her arrest during the country’s disputed 2005 elections.
Mideksa, a leader of the now-dissolved Coalition for Unity and Democracy, was taken into custody today, said Temesgen Zewde, a lawmaker, who is a member of Mideksa’s new party, Unity for Democracy and Justice.
“She has been arrested,” Zewde said in an interview in the capital, Addis Ababa. “No charges have been made public yet. We don’t know exactly where she is being held.”
Mideksa was arrested after refusing to acknowledge that she had requested a pardon that led to her release from jail in July 2007, said Bereket Simon, a spokesman for Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. She and dozens of other opposition leaders were initially jailed following the 2005 elections and sentenced to life in prison following a May 2007 trial on treason charges.
Security forces killed at least 193 protesters in Addis Ababa in the aftermath of the 2005 elections. Mideksa was jailed along with 126 other opposition leaders, journalists, and activists after disputing government claims of victory in the ballot.
Her release along with 37 others in July of 2007 came after the opposition leaders signed a letter admitting “mistakes committed both individually and collectively,” according to an Amnesty International report.
Life Sentence
Simon suggested Mideksa could again face life in prison.
“She said she didn’t ask for a pardon and the government tried to advise her that she has been freed from jail because of the requested pardon,” Simon said, in a phone interview from Addis Ababa. “She didn’t budge. Technically and legally the verdict has to be implemented.”
Mideksa and other leaders were released in two pardons authorized by Zenawi in July and August of 2007 after mediation by Ethiopian elders. Some opposition leaders, including former Addis Ababa mayor-elect Berhanu Nega, have chosen exile in the U.S. and Europe. Mideksa stayed on in Ethiopia and had planned to contest the 2010 national elections with her new party.
A lawyer and former judge, Mideksa has drawn support from Oromos and Amharas, Ethiopia’s two largest ethnic groups. Zenawi’s government, which has ruled Ethiopia since 1991, is dominated my members of the Tigray ethnic group.
Fifteen members of another opposition party, the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement, were arrested in late October and early November and accused of supporting the separatist Oromo Liberation Front. The move comes as Ethiopia’s parliament is set to approve a new law that would effectively outlaw most non-governmental groups from promoting human rights, democracy, or conflict resolution.
To contact the reporter on this story: Jason McLure in Addis Ababa via the Johannesburg bureau at abolleurs@bloomberg.net.
Last Updated: December 29, 2008 13:53 EST
Somali president Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed resigned Today
AFP: Baidoa, Somalia (Dec 29 2008) — Somalia's President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed resigned Monday following a bitter power struggle, adding political uncertainty to the war-ravaged country's security vacuum.
"I had promised to return the power if I could not bring peace, stability and democracy where people can elect their leader," Yusuf told a special meeting of parliament.
"I have handed over my letter of resignation to the speaker of parliament who will be the president in line with the transitional federal charter. I don't want to violate and never violated the charter," he added.
Elected in 2004, the 74-year-old former warlord headed a fractious administration. In recent months he had been embroiled in in-fighting which further weakened a government unable to assert its authority.
But Yusuf blamed the international community for failing to support his government, leading to its inability to effectively rule.
"The international community had promised more help to the people of Somalia, but that pledge was not honoured," he said.
"We were unable to pay salaries and other required logistics to the armed forces of Somalia because of lack of finance. Then the army disintegrated, unable to fight extremists."
Yusuf had been at loggerheads with Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein whom he sacked and replaced with a little-known lawmaker, who also resigned last week.
Hussein was appointed in November 2007 after his predecessor, Ali Mohamed Gedi, was also forced to resign over a bruising power struggle with Yusuf.
Yusuf differed with his premier over reconciliation efforts with the moderate Islamist-dominated opposition group following UN-sponsored peace talks in Djibouti.
The African Union's Peace and Security Commissioner Ramtane Lamamra urged Somali authorities to "make sure that there's no vacuum."
"We certainly hope that this development would help in bringing together the Somali stakeholders and in giving them the opportunity to implememnt what they have agreed in the Djibouti process ... to put in place a government of national unity and an expanded parliament," he said.
Yusuf's administration was the only one to receive international recognition since 1991, when dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was toppled, sparking bloody clan fighting.
In 2006, his government faced a huge threat from a powerful Islamist movement that had taken control of much of south and central Somalia, prompting Ethiopia to send troops to back the government.
Now Ethiopia's plan to withdraw by the end of the month has sparked fears of security vacuum. A small African Union force in Mogadishu has failed to halt the violence.
Since the ousting of the Islamists in early 2007, the Shebab -- the military wing of the movement -- has waged relentless war against the Ethiopia-backed government forces and has retaken much of the territory it lost to its rivals.
Today, the government is only present in the capital Mogadishu and in the south-central town of Baidoa, where the parliament is based.
Parliament speaker Aden Mohamed Nur, who under the country's transitional charter steps in as interim president, called for unity.
"I have received and accepted the resignation letter of President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed," Nur told parliament. "I congratulate the president for the bold step he has taken in respect of the transitional federal charter."
Yusuf then left Baidoa for the northern breakaway state of Puntland, of which he became the president when it declared its autonomy in 1998.
Somalia's parliament now has 30 days to elect a new president by secret ballot.
The winner must win a two-thirds majority of the votes. If not, a second and third round of voting is called. In the last round, the winner would only need a simple majority.
Conflict in Somalia and power struggles that erupted since 1991 have scuppered numerous initiatives to restore national stability.
"I have handed over my letter of resignation to the speaker of parliament who will be the president in line with the transitional federal charter. I don't want to violate and never violated the charter," he added.
Elected in 2004, the 74-year-old former warlord headed a fractious administration. In recent months he had been embroiled in in-fighting which further weakened a government unable to assert its authority.
But Yusuf blamed the international community for failing to support his government, leading to its inability to effectively rule.
"The international community had promised more help to the people of Somalia, but that pledge was not honoured," he said.
"We were unable to pay salaries and other required logistics to the armed forces of Somalia because of lack of finance. Then the army disintegrated, unable to fight extremists."
Yusuf had been at loggerheads with Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein whom he sacked and replaced with a little-known lawmaker, who also resigned last week.
Hussein was appointed in November 2007 after his predecessor, Ali Mohamed Gedi, was also forced to resign over a bruising power struggle with Yusuf.
Yusuf differed with his premier over reconciliation efforts with the moderate Islamist-dominated opposition group following UN-sponsored peace talks in Djibouti.
The African Union's Peace and Security Commissioner Ramtane Lamamra urged Somali authorities to "make sure that there's no vacuum."
"We certainly hope that this development would help in bringing together the Somali stakeholders and in giving them the opportunity to implememnt what they have agreed in the Djibouti process ... to put in place a government of national unity and an expanded parliament," he said.
Yusuf's administration was the only one to receive international recognition since 1991, when dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was toppled, sparking bloody clan fighting.
In 2006, his government faced a huge threat from a powerful Islamist movement that had taken control of much of south and central Somalia, prompting Ethiopia to send troops to back the government.
Now Ethiopia's plan to withdraw by the end of the month has sparked fears of security vacuum. A small African Union force in Mogadishu has failed to halt the violence.
Since the ousting of the Islamists in early 2007, the Shebab -- the military wing of the movement -- has waged relentless war against the Ethiopia-backed government forces and has retaken much of the territory it lost to its rivals.
Today, the government is only present in the capital Mogadishu and in the south-central town of Baidoa, where the parliament is based.
Parliament speaker Aden Mohamed Nur, who under the country's transitional charter steps in as interim president, called for unity.
"I have received and accepted the resignation letter of President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed," Nur told parliament. "I congratulate the president for the bold step he has taken in respect of the transitional federal charter."
Yusuf then left Baidoa for the northern breakaway state of Puntland, of which he became the president when it declared its autonomy in 1998.
Somalia's parliament now has 30 days to elect a new president by secret ballot.
The winner must win a two-thirds majority of the votes. If not, a second and third round of voting is called. In the last round, the winner would only need a simple majority.
Conflict in Somalia and power struggles that erupted since 1991 have scuppered numerous initiatives to restore national stability.
Saturday, December 27, 2008
Ethiopians to enjoy “New Black Cinema” (Teza) in a week’s time
APA: Addis Ababa Ethiopia (Dec 27 2008) - Millions of Ethiopians will soon start to enjoy the newly much heralded said film, Teza, which is being described internationally as a “New Black Cinema”, and which has received world wide recognition and several prizes.
Teza (dew), which has already been shown to millions of cinema viewers in North Africa, Europe, Canada and the United States, will premier in Addis Ababa beginning on 3 January 2009, according to its director, Professor Haile Gerima, an Ethiopian based in the United States.
The film was directed by Professor Gerima who has also directed several of the best-known African films.
This new film, which has received more than ten international prizes in 2008, offers an unflinching look at the simmering tension in Ethiopia.
Teza is a story about an Ethiopian doctor at the height of the Cold War who comes back to his country from the West under the Marxist regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam in the 1970s.
The film recently won the special Jury prize and the best screenplay prize at the Venice Film Festival in Italy.
Gerima told journalists in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa Friday that his film took him around 14 years, which will be seen in Ethiopia for the coming one month. However, he said shooting of the film took him eight weeks in Ethiopia and six days in Germany.
Gerima is in Addis Ababa with the film actors, a majority of whom are Ethiopians, to launch the new film, which was also launched in the United States two months ago.
“We don’t have to follow Hollywood. We African have a lot of stories to tell. Hollywood makes so many damaging movies, and Africans are critical of Europeans making films on Africa, but they end up doing the same thing they criticize. But misrepresentation comes from not doing our homework and from not agonizing over a film,” said Gerima.
“If African filmmakers want to bring anything new to their stories, it is under their noses’, their mothers’, their grandmothers, their communities and their villages.”
Haile Gerima, a veteran independent filmmaker and tenured professor at Howard University in United States has been hailed as creating a “New Black Cinema”. His previous films include, ‘After Winter’, ‘Sterling Brown’, ‘Ashes and embers’, ‘Harvest;3000 years’, ‘Bush Mama’, ‘Sankofa’, ‘Adwa’ etc.
This new film, which has received more than ten international prizes in 2008, offers an unflinching look at the simmering tension in Ethiopia.
Teza is a story about an Ethiopian doctor at the height of the Cold War who comes back to his country from the West under the Marxist regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam in the 1970s.
The film recently won the special Jury prize and the best screenplay prize at the Venice Film Festival in Italy.
Gerima told journalists in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa Friday that his film took him around 14 years, which will be seen in Ethiopia for the coming one month. However, he said shooting of the film took him eight weeks in Ethiopia and six days in Germany.
Gerima is in Addis Ababa with the film actors, a majority of whom are Ethiopians, to launch the new film, which was also launched in the United States two months ago.
“We don’t have to follow Hollywood. We African have a lot of stories to tell. Hollywood makes so many damaging movies, and Africans are critical of Europeans making films on Africa, but they end up doing the same thing they criticize. But misrepresentation comes from not doing our homework and from not agonizing over a film,” said Gerima.
“If African filmmakers want to bring anything new to their stories, it is under their noses’, their mothers’, their grandmothers, their communities and their villages.”
Haile Gerima, a veteran independent filmmaker and tenured professor at Howard University in United States has been hailed as creating a “New Black Cinema”. His previous films include, ‘After Winter’, ‘Sterling Brown’, ‘Ashes and embers’, ‘Harvest;3000 years’, ‘Bush Mama’, ‘Sankofa’, ‘Adwa’ etc.
Friday, December 26, 2008
EthioBorsaye: Top 10 Articles and Music Videos in 2008
Top 10 Most visited News Articles of the year
- German radio & VOA Amharic service broadcasts to Ethiopia "jammed" - hobbyists
- Ethiopian pop star, Tedy Afro, in custody over hit-and-run
- Ethiopian Television Network (ETN) Starts providing free service
- Ethiopia: Rising food prices - feeling the pinch
- Ethiopia, Addis Ababa: Trolleybuses to shortly start service in metropolis
- Ethiopia's popular singer Tewodros Kassahun (Teddy-Afro) sent today to Jail
- Addis Ababa City to Build Widest Road Ever along Railway Trail
- Fashion stole from Ethiopia, Where is the fashion police?
- Embedded filmmaking' behind Eritrean child soldier movie
- Archaeologists find Queen of Sheba's palace at Axum, Ethiopia
Top 10 Most visited Music Video of the year
- Natnaeal Ayalew "Amerogn Alatahum"
- Tedy Afro's new Religious song 'Haleluya'
- Ethiopian Music by Dawit Frew Hailu -Ambasel tizta
- Music Video: New Song from Ethiopia: by DJ-Same, "Maringe Cha"
- Music Video : Song from Ethiopia by DJ-Same, "Maringe Cha"
- An American singing in Amharic
- Ethiopian Music: Tadele Roba & Fanta Bela - Mixing Bati and Blues
- Music Video: Bati Revised by Yosef Gebre "Jossy"
- Selam Shalom Shlomo - a "Peace Song" - sung in Amharic, Lingala and German!
- Music Video- Alex (Olympia) - "Come in Diaspora"
Somalis held in Ethiopia capital , Addis Ababa
By Elizabeth Blunt
BBC News, Addis Ababa (Dec 26 2008) - Hundreds of young Somalis have been arrested in the past few days in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa.
A number were questioned and then released but it is thought at least 200 are still being held.
Most of the arrests took place on Tuesday night and Wednesday in the Bole area, the part of the town where most of the Somali community live.
A Somali embassy spokesman said he understood that security was being tightened before a regional summit.
In some cases young men were taken from their homes while others were arrested in the streets.
A spokesman for the Somali embassy in Addis Ababa said he and his colleagues were going around the police stations to find out what was going on.
No explanation
He said that following the initial round-up, police were now working their way through those arrested, checking their papers, fingerprinting them and then, if everything was in order, letting them go.
He said that as of Friday morning he believed that around 200 Somali citizens were still being held.
Asked how the embassy felt about the raids, the spokesman said he could not say they were happy but that this was the prerogative of the Ethiopian government.
He understood it had security concerns in the Bole area which is close to Addis Ababa's international airport, especially in the light of the upcoming African Union summit, and he added that if there was a security threat in Bole, then the embassy itself could be the first target.
Ethiopia's federal police spokesman, Commander Demsash Hailu, has so far not been able to offer any explanation for the arrests.
A number were questioned and then released but it is thought at least 200 are still being held.
Most of the arrests took place on Tuesday night and Wednesday in the Bole area, the part of the town where most of the Somali community live.
A Somali embassy spokesman said he understood that security was being tightened before a regional summit.
In some cases young men were taken from their homes while others were arrested in the streets.
A spokesman for the Somali embassy in Addis Ababa said he and his colleagues were going around the police stations to find out what was going on.
No explanation
He said that following the initial round-up, police were now working their way through those arrested, checking their papers, fingerprinting them and then, if everything was in order, letting them go.
He said that as of Friday morning he believed that around 200 Somali citizens were still being held.
Asked how the embassy felt about the raids, the spokesman said he could not say they were happy but that this was the prerogative of the Ethiopian government.
He understood it had security concerns in the Bole area which is close to Addis Ababa's international airport, especially in the light of the upcoming African Union summit, and he added that if there was a security threat in Bole, then the embassy itself could be the first target.
Ethiopia's federal police spokesman, Commander Demsash Hailu, has so far not been able to offer any explanation for the arrests.
Ethiopia's UDJ opposition leader faces fresh challenges
Jimma Times (Dec 25 2008) - The leadership of Ethiopia's biggest opposition party, the Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), faces fresh threats from the Ethiopian government after the party made statements that angered Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's ruling party. UDJ's chairperson Judge Birtukan Mideksa told her supporters in Europe that her party never asked for pardon to the government to be released from jail last year.The Meles government wants her to renounce her statements or face life imprisonment.
UDJ-Andenet is a party born out of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) party which won the most number of opposition seats in parliament after the disputed 2005 election in Ethiopia. The post-election violence killed almost 200 protestors, with police shooting bullets in the head of civilians, while some bystanders were also gunned down. This election crisis, and the following imprisonment of the CUD leadership, tarnished the image of the Ethiopian government worldwide but Birtukan and her colleagues were later released after allegedly signing an apology letter to the government.
According to local media, the federal police has warned Birtukan Mideksa's party and gave a three-day ultimatum to rectify her statements. Jimma Times sources state that she had organized a meeting to discuss this new problem with the leadership committee and supporters, but the final decision from this meeting is unknown.
One UDJ official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, told a Jimma Times correspondant in Ethiopia that Birtukan should apologize for her statement because it would not make a difference. "The world already knows who killed the 200 civilians in 2005 and the world knows the rationale for this apology letter drama, so Birtukan should rectify her words in Sweden to avoid going to jail for the regime's crimes the second time," he added.
Many opposition supporters in Ethiopia still want to see the policemen who shot the civilians to be held accountable but they are concerned such pursuit will lead to opposition leaders being put back in prison. According to sources in the capital, various pro-government private newspapers in Ethiopia are taking advantage of this crisis by connecting the unrelated resignation interests of UDJ officials to the police ultimatum in order to portray an internal division inside the UDJ.
Next national elections in Ethiopia are scheduled for 2010 but it is unknown whether opposition parties will participate.
Somali Pirates Deny Links to Islamist Terrorists
A pirate taking a stroll on shore in Hobyo, Somalia, 22 Dec 2008By Alisha Ryu
VOA News: Hobyo, Somalia (Dec 24 2008) - Somali pirates are denying reports that have accused them of sharing ransom payments with an al-Qaida-linked radical Islamist group called the Shabab. VOA Correspondent Alisha Ryu recently visited the pirate sanctuary of Hobyo in the Galmudug region of central Somalia and reports some pirate money may be making its way indirectly to Islamist groups.
Hobyo resident Ibaado Aden, 65, watched a shiny sport utility vehicle slowly approaching the main market area of the village.
She said nothing. But it was clear from the look of concern on her face that the vehicle's occupants were pirates. They are the only people who can afford such luxury in this remote and dirt-poor fishing village, hundreds of kilometers from the nearest city.
Ibaado Aden abruptly ended our interview. She did not want to talk about pirates, especially about what they do with the ransom they receive.
She said the pirates give the people nothing, and she does not know where or how the pirates spend their money.
Somali pirate groups operating in Hobyo and Haradhere in central Somalia and in the northern town of Eyl in Puntland have hijacked more than 40 vessels this year. The unprecedented number of hijackings has prompted at least a dozen countries, including the United States, China and Russia, to send warships to the region to protect vulnerable shipping lanes. The pirates still hold at least 19 vessels and more than 350 crew members hostage.
The United Nations believes pirates may have earned as much as $120 million in ransom payments. And there has been rising concern among western diplomats and security analysts that a large chunk of the money is being funneled to the militant Shabab group.
It was the rise of the Shabab militia, which prompted the Ethiopian military, with U.S. support, to intervene in Somalia in late 2006 and end the six-month rule of the Islamic Courts Union.
Since then, the Shabab has led a two-year insurgency against the country's weak, Ethiopia-backed interim government. The group, which the United States has labeled a terrorist organization, has now regained control over most parts of southern and central Somalia.
In an alarming article published earlier this month in the U.S.-based Time magazine, one alleged pirate claimed that the Shabab and other Islamist insurgent groups have been extorting vast sums of money from pirates and using it to fund the insurgency.
Through intermediaries in Hobyo, VOA located a pirate who agreed to be interviewed. Introducing himself only as Kahiye, the 26-year-old pirate, whom residents confirm has been involved in numerous hijacking operations, scoffed at the Time magazine article.
Kahiye said pirate groups in Somalia only conduct business with people they refer to as investors. Investors, he said, are not factional leaders or politicians, but former Somali fishermen who made money from pirate activities in the past.
Kahiye would not say how many investors are involved in piracy in Somalia. But he said they are essential to hijacking operations because the investors usually pick the targets and provide all that is necessary for pirates on the ground to conduct successful operations and to hold the ships and crew for ransom.
When a ransom is paid, these investors receive as much as 50 percent of the ransom, pirates 30 to 40 percent, and the remaining amount is usually set aside to be used in the next hijacking venture.
Kahiye continued, insisting that no money is ever given to the Shabab. He said all of the money ends up being spent on recruiting new pirates and buying houses, cars, and huge quantities of a mildly narcotic leaf called khat, which is chewed by many Somali men.
Kahiye said he believes some investors pay bribes to local, regional, and government officials to look the other way. Kahiye acknowledged he does not fully know how investors spend their portion of the ransom payments.
Hobyo, like the village of Haradhere to the south, are currently under the control of Islamist fighters belonging to the Shabab and another rival group made up of more moderate Islamists. Both groups are firmly opposed to piracy, calling it an offense against Islam. In 2006, Islamic courts officials implemented strict Islamic laws, which briefly stopped piracy in Somalia.
Well-placed Somali sources told VOA that while it is unlikely that investors and pirates are willingly handing over millions of dollars to hard-line Islamist leaders who have vowed to stop piracy, it is possible that they do pay some protection money to local Shabab commanders and other low-level Islamist officials to keep them from interfering in piracy operations.
Pirate foot soldiers may also be contributing to Islamist groups without meaning to do so.
Some pirates, like Kahiye, were once poorly-paid clan militia fighters who were recently lured into the far more lucrative world of piracy. But pirates often have friends and family, who support the Islamist insurgency. It is likely, some sources said, that the money pirates are giving to family and clan members is also reaching the coffers of Islamist groups.
Hobyo resident Ibaado Aden, 65, watched a shiny sport utility vehicle slowly approaching the main market area of the village.
She said nothing. But it was clear from the look of concern on her face that the vehicle's occupants were pirates. They are the only people who can afford such luxury in this remote and dirt-poor fishing village, hundreds of kilometers from the nearest city.
Ibaado Aden abruptly ended our interview. She did not want to talk about pirates, especially about what they do with the ransom they receive.
She said the pirates give the people nothing, and she does not know where or how the pirates spend their money.
Somali pirate groups operating in Hobyo and Haradhere in central Somalia and in the northern town of Eyl in Puntland have hijacked more than 40 vessels this year. The unprecedented number of hijackings has prompted at least a dozen countries, including the United States, China and Russia, to send warships to the region to protect vulnerable shipping lanes. The pirates still hold at least 19 vessels and more than 350 crew members hostage.
The United Nations believes pirates may have earned as much as $120 million in ransom payments. And there has been rising concern among western diplomats and security analysts that a large chunk of the money is being funneled to the militant Shabab group.
It was the rise of the Shabab militia, which prompted the Ethiopian military, with U.S. support, to intervene in Somalia in late 2006 and end the six-month rule of the Islamic Courts Union.
Since then, the Shabab has led a two-year insurgency against the country's weak, Ethiopia-backed interim government. The group, which the United States has labeled a terrorist organization, has now regained control over most parts of southern and central Somalia.
In an alarming article published earlier this month in the U.S.-based Time magazine, one alleged pirate claimed that the Shabab and other Islamist insurgent groups have been extorting vast sums of money from pirates and using it to fund the insurgency.
Through intermediaries in Hobyo, VOA located a pirate who agreed to be interviewed. Introducing himself only as Kahiye, the 26-year-old pirate, whom residents confirm has been involved in numerous hijacking operations, scoffed at the Time magazine article.
Kahiye said pirate groups in Somalia only conduct business with people they refer to as investors. Investors, he said, are not factional leaders or politicians, but former Somali fishermen who made money from pirate activities in the past.
Kahiye would not say how many investors are involved in piracy in Somalia. But he said they are essential to hijacking operations because the investors usually pick the targets and provide all that is necessary for pirates on the ground to conduct successful operations and to hold the ships and crew for ransom.
When a ransom is paid, these investors receive as much as 50 percent of the ransom, pirates 30 to 40 percent, and the remaining amount is usually set aside to be used in the next hijacking venture.
Kahiye continued, insisting that no money is ever given to the Shabab. He said all of the money ends up being spent on recruiting new pirates and buying houses, cars, and huge quantities of a mildly narcotic leaf called khat, which is chewed by many Somali men.
Kahiye said he believes some investors pay bribes to local, regional, and government officials to look the other way. Kahiye acknowledged he does not fully know how investors spend their portion of the ransom payments.
Hobyo, like the village of Haradhere to the south, are currently under the control of Islamist fighters belonging to the Shabab and another rival group made up of more moderate Islamists. Both groups are firmly opposed to piracy, calling it an offense against Islam. In 2006, Islamic courts officials implemented strict Islamic laws, which briefly stopped piracy in Somalia.
Well-placed Somali sources told VOA that while it is unlikely that investors and pirates are willingly handing over millions of dollars to hard-line Islamist leaders who have vowed to stop piracy, it is possible that they do pay some protection money to local Shabab commanders and other low-level Islamist officials to keep them from interfering in piracy operations.
Pirate foot soldiers may also be contributing to Islamist groups without meaning to do so.
Some pirates, like Kahiye, were once poorly-paid clan militia fighters who were recently lured into the far more lucrative world of piracy. But pirates often have friends and family, who support the Islamist insurgency. It is likely, some sources said, that the money pirates are giving to family and clan members is also reaching the coffers of Islamist groups.
Thursday, December 25, 2008
Wednesday, December 24, 2008
Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Expected to Resign Before Christmas
By Peter Clottey
VOA News, Washington D.C (Dec 24 2008) - The embattled President of Somalia's Transitional Federal government, Abdullahi Yusuf is expected to formally resign before Christmas. President Yusuf is reportedly being pressured by the international community to resign after unilaterally sacking Prime Minister Nur Hassan Hussein, which further threatened the stability of the government. The Somali parliament, however voted for Hussein to continue working as prime minister.
Yusuf is expected to go before parliament to formally tend in his resignation after losing international support following his public feud with Prime Minister Hussein. Abdalla Haji Ali is a Somali member of parliament. He tells reporter Peter Clottey from Baidoa that President Yusuf has no alternative but to resign.
"I think really he (Yusuf) doesn't have a choice. He came back with very, very negative results, he didn't really have any breakthroughs in Nairobi and everything is actually the same. You know the impeachment is there and he cannot get along or reconcile with the prime minister and his government. So, he doesn't have a choice and he has to resign and he has to leave as a matter of fact. That is the proper choice for him," Ali noted.
He said President Yusuf's leadership style has alienated his support base, leaving him isolated and unable to effectively lead Somalia.
"For one thing he doesn't have a support in the parliament. And secondly really he doesn't have the support in the Somali public. At the same time he lost his friends in the IGAD (The Intergovernmental Authority on Development) countries. And he lost the support of the United States and the United Nations. So the president is now in a very isolated situation. He doesn't have any diplomatic support in the EU (European Union) and any other country. And looking at his internal problems in the country he can no longer stay, and if he stays he doesn't have the political support," he said.
Ali said there are laid down regulations if the president of the transitional government steps down.
"According to the constitution, the speaker of the parliament would actually fill the position. He would be the interim president for 30 days until a new president is elected. But while he remains in that position there would be people who would be vying for the position to get elected as the president. And there would certainly be competition there," Ali pointed out.
He said President Yusuf's removal would be a significant blow to the Islamists who he said have been undermining the transitional federal government.
"As a matter of fact, the presence of President Abdullahi Yusuf enables the Islamists to rally support. And as far as President Yusuf leaves the presidency the Islamists will actually lose a lot of support among the people because they were rallying their support on that issue. So, I think the whole political spectrum of Somalia will actually change and the Islamists will lose some support among the people because people will actually see who will be the president, and how he would deal with the serious security matters of Somalia. And I think the cohesion of the transitional federal government would improve," he said.
Meanwhile, some political observers say the transitional government and the international community must deal with Islamists to avoid a security crisis when Ethiopian troops withdraw later this December. They contend that Ethiopia's withdrawal may offer Somalia a chance for a credible political process.
Neighboring Ethiopia has provided military support for Somalia's transitional government, which has had Western backing since December 2006. But the Ethiopian troops have been the target of incessant daily attacks by an Islamist insurgency that controls most of the country's south.
Yusuf is expected to go before parliament to formally tend in his resignation after losing international support following his public feud with Prime Minister Hussein. Abdalla Haji Ali is a Somali member of parliament. He tells reporter Peter Clottey from Baidoa that President Yusuf has no alternative but to resign.
"I think really he (Yusuf) doesn't have a choice. He came back with very, very negative results, he didn't really have any breakthroughs in Nairobi and everything is actually the same. You know the impeachment is there and he cannot get along or reconcile with the prime minister and his government. So, he doesn't have a choice and he has to resign and he has to leave as a matter of fact. That is the proper choice for him," Ali noted.
He said President Yusuf's leadership style has alienated his support base, leaving him isolated and unable to effectively lead Somalia.
"For one thing he doesn't have a support in the parliament. And secondly really he doesn't have the support in the Somali public. At the same time he lost his friends in the IGAD (The Intergovernmental Authority on Development) countries. And he lost the support of the United States and the United Nations. So the president is now in a very isolated situation. He doesn't have any diplomatic support in the EU (European Union) and any other country. And looking at his internal problems in the country he can no longer stay, and if he stays he doesn't have the political support," he said.
Ali said there are laid down regulations if the president of the transitional government steps down.
"According to the constitution, the speaker of the parliament would actually fill the position. He would be the interim president for 30 days until a new president is elected. But while he remains in that position there would be people who would be vying for the position to get elected as the president. And there would certainly be competition there," Ali pointed out.
He said President Yusuf's removal would be a significant blow to the Islamists who he said have been undermining the transitional federal government.
"As a matter of fact, the presence of President Abdullahi Yusuf enables the Islamists to rally support. And as far as President Yusuf leaves the presidency the Islamists will actually lose a lot of support among the people because they were rallying their support on that issue. So, I think the whole political spectrum of Somalia will actually change and the Islamists will lose some support among the people because people will actually see who will be the president, and how he would deal with the serious security matters of Somalia. And I think the cohesion of the transitional federal government would improve," he said.
Meanwhile, some political observers say the transitional government and the international community must deal with Islamists to avoid a security crisis when Ethiopian troops withdraw later this December. They contend that Ethiopia's withdrawal may offer Somalia a chance for a credible political process.
Neighboring Ethiopia has provided military support for Somalia's transitional government, which has had Western backing since December 2006. But the Ethiopian troops have been the target of incessant daily attacks by an Islamist insurgency that controls most of the country's south.
ETHIOPIA: Do they know it's (il)legal?
IRIN, DAKAR (Dec 23 2008) - Is a proposed law to regulate charities in Ethiopia an attempt to regulate a sprawling sector and block foreign political interference or a clampdown on civil society?
A draft proclamation published and revised several times this year has been criticised by African and international rights groups. Ethiopian civil society groups allege some provisions are unconstitutional.
Critics argue the proposed rules, especially on foreign funding of Ethiopian NGOs, will deliberately stifle local human rights groups critical of the government and could disrupt aid operations implemented by local groups.
The government disagrees. Meles Tilahun, a whip in parliament, told IRIN: "The law is needed to create a conducive environment for NGOs and CSOs [civil society organisations] and provide a separate legal framework for them. It does not mean to shut them down."
The government has, however, commented that the charity sector has been used by "political activists" who are working on "other issues", not "catastrophes that required aid and assistance", according to a communiquĂŠ released in September 2008.
The law, the Proclamation for the Registration and Regulation of Charities and Societies, has been passed by Ethiopia's Council of Ministers but has not yet been presented to parliament, where pro-government MPs command an overwhelming majority. A hearing is expected on 24 and 25 December.
A donor official told IRIN: "There is currently no standard operating procedure for CSOs to work in Ethiopia and having a common set of rules and regulations is a good thing."
But attempts to revise the law seem to be running out of time. "We've been lobbying to get the bill changed before it is enacted but we've almost come to the end of the road," said the head of an international NGO in Addis Ababa, who asked not to be named.
The (draft) law
The law establishes an oversight agency, rules and supervision for the establishment of trusts and endowments, societies and charities. Rules governing fund-raising, membership and governance are detailed. Strong powers to investigate and oversee CSOs and tough penalties are set out.
Most controversially, the law restricts activity in human and democratic rights, gender or ethnic equality, conflict resolution, the strengthening of judicial practices or law enforcement. Only Ethiopian charities or societies having no more than 10 percent of their spending from "foreign sources" would be able to work in those areas.
However, several categories of organisation are exempted, according to a copy of the draft law on the NGO consortium Christian Relief and Development Association (CRDA) website:
"Religious organisations, international or foreign organisations operating in Ethiopia by virtue of an agreement with the government of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia; 'Edir', 'Ekub' [traditional cooperative schemes] and other similar cultural or religious associations; and societies governed by other laws."
The impact on international NGOs with government agreements may therefore be limited.
Objections
In November, a CRDA task force welcomed the concept of a legal framework for CSOs, but set out a number of objections to the draft: the definitions of charities and permitted activities; the lack of a right to judicial review or appeal and the requirement that CSOs must have branches in five regions; "discriminatory selection and privileging of mass-based organisations"; lack of recognition for self-regulation by the sector; a 30 percent restriction on administrative costs; too many board members nominated by the government; charities not exempt from taxes and duty; and requirement to register with the authorities within one year of the bill taking effect.
The CRDA-sponsored report also argues that the foreign funding provisions restrict the participation of the Ethiopian diaspora and the constitutional freedom of assembly.
The CRDA commentary is only one of several critiques published by Ethiopian civil society, including prominent groups such as the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, which is frequently critical of the government and heavily dependent on foreign funding.
Reactions
The US-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) alleged the law represented "a complex web of arbitrary restrictions on the work civil society groups can engage in, onerous bureaucratic hurdles, draconian criminal penalties, and intrusive powers of surveillance" and urged parliament to reject the bill.
Amnesty International, the development committee of the European Parliament, and the civil society lobby group CIVICUS, also criticised the law, as did the US government.
"I am not aware of an NGO law elsewhere that is more restrictive,"
said Chris Albim-Lackay, senior researcher in HRW's Africa division. "It will render the activities of most international and local human rights organisations Illegal."
However, despite reservations, many NGOs and donors agreed that regulation was needed.
But ultimately the law could end up weakening Ethiopian civil society, some argue.
"Everyone respects sovereignty. But it depends what you define as national interest. We think it's healthy that people complain about the government and provoke citizens to complain because it leads to better outcomes for societies as a whole," the NGO representative said.
Other NGO laws
Ethiopia is not alone in coming under fire for its NGO law. In 2004, Zimbabwe passed a law banning domestic groups working on human rights and governance from receiving foreign funding, including Zimbabweans abroad. The law set up a government oversight mechanism that the US Bureau of Public Affairs called "highly intrusive and subject to political manipulation".
Russia's 2006 NGO law means the government can decline to register branches of foreign organisations where their "goals and objectives create a threat to the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity, national unity, unique character, cultural heritage and national interests of the Russian Federation".
And in the countries hosting western critics, there are restrictions too. In the UK, foreign NGOs must register under one of six categories: prevention or relief of poverty; advancement of education, religion; health or saving lives; citizenship and community development; human rights; conflict resolution or reconciliation, and can lobby for political or legal change only if it would further one of these goals.
The Ethiopian government has mentioned US law in its defence. In the USA, tax-exempt NGOs can lobby but "may not attempt to influence legislation as a substantial part of their activities and may not participate in any campaign activity for or against political candidates". However, "social welfare" tax-exempt organisations are not limited in this way.
Impact
Ethiopia receives more than US$1 billion of humanitarian and development aid every year, and reports indicate some 3,300 NGOs operate around the country.
"A significant number of programmes under the new law could be prohibited," a donor official told IRIN, referring to those focussing on strengthening the judicial system, conflict resolution, and democracy and governance. "If the law is implemented in black and white, some non-profits might have no future," an NGO head told IRIN.
International NGOs are concerned about the status of local non-profits that play a major role in implementing projects (and might fall foul of the 10 percent rule) and the "rights-based" discourse and advocacy element in NGO work. Some argue that over the past two decades NGO work has inevitably become more "political". Others have been reassured they will not have to leave or curtail their "classic humanitarian" operations and advocacy relating to food, health, education and water and sanitation.
"While regulation is needed, the law could have a 'chilling' effect on aid operations in Ethiopia, by creating an atmosphere of fear, distrust and potentially weakening innovation. That is where the law is quite threatening," a donor representative told IRIN.
Lobbying
Advocacy may have paid off in small ways.
There have been some improvements to the latest draft bill, issued in December, according to Catherine Shea, programme director with the US Center for Not-for-Profit Law, with the punishment of a prison sentence dropped for unregistered NGOs.
However, employees of charities that fail to keep proper accounts, or whose administration costs exceed 30 percent of overall programming costs, can still be imprisoned.
One aid official said the restrictions followed apparent meddling by NGOs after the 2005 elections - the move is designed to ensure outsiders do not interfere in 2010 elections.
The government's September commentary pointedly objected to aid operations being used by "political actors... which can sway votes in national elections".
Critics argue the proposed rules, especially on foreign funding of Ethiopian NGOs, will deliberately stifle local human rights groups critical of the government and could disrupt aid operations implemented by local groups.
The government disagrees. Meles Tilahun, a whip in parliament, told IRIN: "The law is needed to create a conducive environment for NGOs and CSOs [civil society organisations] and provide a separate legal framework for them. It does not mean to shut them down."
The government has, however, commented that the charity sector has been used by "political activists" who are working on "other issues", not "catastrophes that required aid and assistance", according to a communiquĂŠ released in September 2008.
The law, the Proclamation for the Registration and Regulation of Charities and Societies, has been passed by Ethiopia's Council of Ministers but has not yet been presented to parliament, where pro-government MPs command an overwhelming majority. A hearing is expected on 24 and 25 December.
A donor official told IRIN: "There is currently no standard operating procedure for CSOs to work in Ethiopia and having a common set of rules and regulations is a good thing."
But attempts to revise the law seem to be running out of time. "We've been lobbying to get the bill changed before it is enacted but we've almost come to the end of the road," said the head of an international NGO in Addis Ababa, who asked not to be named.
The (draft) law
The law establishes an oversight agency, rules and supervision for the establishment of trusts and endowments, societies and charities. Rules governing fund-raising, membership and governance are detailed. Strong powers to investigate and oversee CSOs and tough penalties are set out.
Most controversially, the law restricts activity in human and democratic rights, gender or ethnic equality, conflict resolution, the strengthening of judicial practices or law enforcement. Only Ethiopian charities or societies having no more than 10 percent of their spending from "foreign sources" would be able to work in those areas.
However, several categories of organisation are exempted, according to a copy of the draft law on the NGO consortium Christian Relief and Development Association (CRDA) website:
"Religious organisations, international or foreign organisations operating in Ethiopia by virtue of an agreement with the government of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia; 'Edir', 'Ekub' [traditional cooperative schemes] and other similar cultural or religious associations; and societies governed by other laws."
The impact on international NGOs with government agreements may therefore be limited.
Objections
In November, a CRDA task force welcomed the concept of a legal framework for CSOs, but set out a number of objections to the draft: the definitions of charities and permitted activities; the lack of a right to judicial review or appeal and the requirement that CSOs must have branches in five regions; "discriminatory selection and privileging of mass-based organisations"; lack of recognition for self-regulation by the sector; a 30 percent restriction on administrative costs; too many board members nominated by the government; charities not exempt from taxes and duty; and requirement to register with the authorities within one year of the bill taking effect.
The CRDA-sponsored report also argues that the foreign funding provisions restrict the participation of the Ethiopian diaspora and the constitutional freedom of assembly.
The CRDA commentary is only one of several critiques published by Ethiopian civil society, including prominent groups such as the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, which is frequently critical of the government and heavily dependent on foreign funding.
Reactions
The US-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) alleged the law represented "a complex web of arbitrary restrictions on the work civil society groups can engage in, onerous bureaucratic hurdles, draconian criminal penalties, and intrusive powers of surveillance" and urged parliament to reject the bill.
Amnesty International, the development committee of the European Parliament, and the civil society lobby group CIVICUS, also criticised the law, as did the US government.
"I am not aware of an NGO law elsewhere that is more restrictive,"
said Chris Albim-Lackay, senior researcher in HRW's Africa division. "It will render the activities of most international and local human rights organisations Illegal."
However, despite reservations, many NGOs and donors agreed that regulation was needed.
But ultimately the law could end up weakening Ethiopian civil society, some argue.
"Everyone respects sovereignty. But it depends what you define as national interest. We think it's healthy that people complain about the government and provoke citizens to complain because it leads to better outcomes for societies as a whole," the NGO representative said.
Other NGO laws
Ethiopia is not alone in coming under fire for its NGO law. In 2004, Zimbabwe passed a law banning domestic groups working on human rights and governance from receiving foreign funding, including Zimbabweans abroad. The law set up a government oversight mechanism that the US Bureau of Public Affairs called "highly intrusive and subject to political manipulation".
Russia's 2006 NGO law means the government can decline to register branches of foreign organisations where their "goals and objectives create a threat to the sovereignty, political independence, territorial integrity, national unity, unique character, cultural heritage and national interests of the Russian Federation".
And in the countries hosting western critics, there are restrictions too. In the UK, foreign NGOs must register under one of six categories: prevention or relief of poverty; advancement of education, religion; health or saving lives; citizenship and community development; human rights; conflict resolution or reconciliation, and can lobby for political or legal change only if it would further one of these goals.
The Ethiopian government has mentioned US law in its defence. In the USA, tax-exempt NGOs can lobby but "may not attempt to influence legislation as a substantial part of their activities and may not participate in any campaign activity for or against political candidates". However, "social welfare" tax-exempt organisations are not limited in this way.
Impact
Ethiopia receives more than US$1 billion of humanitarian and development aid every year, and reports indicate some 3,300 NGOs operate around the country.
"A significant number of programmes under the new law could be prohibited," a donor official told IRIN, referring to those focussing on strengthening the judicial system, conflict resolution, and democracy and governance. "If the law is implemented in black and white, some non-profits might have no future," an NGO head told IRIN.
International NGOs are concerned about the status of local non-profits that play a major role in implementing projects (and might fall foul of the 10 percent rule) and the "rights-based" discourse and advocacy element in NGO work. Some argue that over the past two decades NGO work has inevitably become more "political". Others have been reassured they will not have to leave or curtail their "classic humanitarian" operations and advocacy relating to food, health, education and water and sanitation.
"While regulation is needed, the law could have a 'chilling' effect on aid operations in Ethiopia, by creating an atmosphere of fear, distrust and potentially weakening innovation. That is where the law is quite threatening," a donor representative told IRIN.
Lobbying
Advocacy may have paid off in small ways.
There have been some improvements to the latest draft bill, issued in December, according to Catherine Shea, programme director with the US Center for Not-for-Profit Law, with the punishment of a prison sentence dropped for unregistered NGOs.
However, employees of charities that fail to keep proper accounts, or whose administration costs exceed 30 percent of overall programming costs, can still be imprisoned.
One aid official said the restrictions followed apparent meddling by NGOs after the 2005 elections - the move is designed to ensure outsiders do not interfere in 2010 elections.
The government's September commentary pointedly objected to aid operations being used by "political actors... which can sway votes in national elections".
Ethiopia: UDJ calls Birtukan's interrogation propaganda, Deputy chair submits
By Kirubel Tadesse
Capital - Ethiopia's Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ) ridiculed the recent Federal Police Commission's interrogation of its chair Birtukan Midekssa as 'propaganda'.
The first official response of UDJ to its chair's questioning at Federal Police headquarters on December 10 came last Friday, December 19, 2008. The statement UDJ central office sent Capital reads that the Federal Police Commission called Birtukan illegally and the act was a deliberately orchestrated propaganda.
"Police wanted to hear from Birtukan herself about the said statement," Commander Demsash Hailu, Federal Police Commission Public Relations Officer, had told Capital last week referring to the state media's reports that allegedly quoted Birtukan explaining that the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) leaders didn't ask the government for pardon.
Birtukan insisted that her statement gave emphasis on the elders' council effort, which was made at the public gathering held for Ethiopians in Stockholm, Sweden.
In its statement, UDJ put the matter among what it called ever worsening pressures from the ruling party it is enduring from the day it started to organize itself.
In a related development, Capital has learned that the party's Vice Chair Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, has submitted a resignation letter to the party's council. Dr. Yacob, who has served as prosecutor for the United Nations (UN), was elected to the position at the party's June 18 founding congress this year.
Reports before the founding congress were suggesting that Dr. Yacob would assume the party's top job but he revealed to Capital that he was not interested in the position. He was comfortably elected by 300 attendants of the founding congress to be vice chair in charge of foreign relations.
"I will continue being a member of the party; I only submitted my resignation of the vice chair position," Dr. Yacob commented to Capital, "I cannot yet detail the reason for my resignation but it should come in a week or so."
According to UDJ, Birtukan the party's council, who will deliberate on Dr. Yacob's resignation, has not yet set a date to discuss the matter.
Also see:
"Police wanted to hear from Birtukan herself about the said statement," Commander Demsash Hailu, Federal Police Commission Public Relations Officer, had told Capital last week referring to the state media's reports that allegedly quoted Birtukan explaining that the former Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) leaders didn't ask the government for pardon.
Birtukan insisted that her statement gave emphasis on the elders' council effort, which was made at the public gathering held for Ethiopians in Stockholm, Sweden.
In its statement, UDJ put the matter among what it called ever worsening pressures from the ruling party it is enduring from the day it started to organize itself.
In a related development, Capital has learned that the party's Vice Chair Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, has submitted a resignation letter to the party's council. Dr. Yacob, who has served as prosecutor for the United Nations (UN), was elected to the position at the party's June 18 founding congress this year.
Reports before the founding congress were suggesting that Dr. Yacob would assume the party's top job but he revealed to Capital that he was not interested in the position. He was comfortably elected by 300 attendants of the founding congress to be vice chair in charge of foreign relations.
"I will continue being a member of the party; I only submitted my resignation of the vice chair position," Dr. Yacob commented to Capital, "I cannot yet detail the reason for my resignation but it should come in a week or so."
According to UDJ, Birtukan the party's council, who will deliberate on Dr. Yacob's resignation, has not yet set a date to discuss the matter.
Also see:
Tuesday, December 23, 2008
Ethiopian clerics seek constitutional ban on homosexuality
AFP, ADDIS ABABA (Dec 23 2008) — Religious leaders in Ethiopia on Monday urged lawmakers to amend the country's constitution to ban homosexuality in a move they argue could further strengthen existing codes.
At a meeting in the Ethiopian capital, nearly a dozen religious figures, including heads of Ethiopia's Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Protestant churches, adopted a resolution against homosexuality, which they termed as "the pinnacle of immorality."
They also blamed homosexuality for the rise in sexual attacks on children and young men.
"This is something very strange in Ethiopia, the land of the Bible that condemns this very strongly," said Abune Paolos, the patriarch of Ethiopia's Orthodox Church.
"For people to act in this manner they have to be dumb, stupid like animals," he told reporters. "We strongly condemn this behaviour. They (homosexuals) have to be disciplined and their acts discriminated, they have to be given a lesson."
Homosexuals can be jailed for a minimum of six months in Ethiopia, where hostility towards gays is high and sexual practices are very conservative.
But while homosexuality is illegal under the country's penal code, it is not mentioned in the constitution.
"We urge parliamentarians to... endorse a ban on homosexual activity in the constitution," the resolution read.
It also urged the government to establish more rehabilitation centres and to place strict controls on the distribution of pornographic materials.
The head of local NGO United for Life Ethiopia said homosexuality was not a human rights issue.
"Here we don't believe that it is and we don't believe that it is related to creation -- it has no biological base," head Sium Antonios said.
"It is unacceptable, it is immoral. Every religious leader said in one voice that it is the pinnacle of immorality," he added.
At a meeting in the Ethiopian capital, nearly a dozen religious figures, including heads of Ethiopia's Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Protestant churches, adopted a resolution against homosexuality, which they termed as "the pinnacle of immorality."
They also blamed homosexuality for the rise in sexual attacks on children and young men.
"This is something very strange in Ethiopia, the land of the Bible that condemns this very strongly," said Abune Paolos, the patriarch of Ethiopia's Orthodox Church.
"For people to act in this manner they have to be dumb, stupid like animals," he told reporters. "We strongly condemn this behaviour. They (homosexuals) have to be disciplined and their acts discriminated, they have to be given a lesson."
Homosexuals can be jailed for a minimum of six months in Ethiopia, where hostility towards gays is high and sexual practices are very conservative.
But while homosexuality is illegal under the country's penal code, it is not mentioned in the constitution.
"We urge parliamentarians to... endorse a ban on homosexual activity in the constitution," the resolution read.
It also urged the government to establish more rehabilitation centres and to place strict controls on the distribution of pornographic materials.
The head of local NGO United for Life Ethiopia said homosexuality was not a human rights issue.
"Here we don't believe that it is and we don't believe that it is related to creation -- it has no biological base," head Sium Antonios said.
"It is unacceptable, it is immoral. Every religious leader said in one voice that it is the pinnacle of immorality," he added.
Monday, December 22, 2008
Nigerian troops ready for Somalia deployment - AU
By Tsegaye Tadesse
Reuters, Addis Ababa (Dec 21 2008) - Nigerian troops are expected to strengthen an African force in Somalia in January and prevent a security vacuum when Ethiopian soldiers pull out, the African Union said on Sunday.
Ethiopia's decision to withdraw its 3,000 or so troops from the anarchic Horn of Africa nation by the end of the year has raised fears the fractured, Western-backed government will collapse and Islamist insurgents seize the capital Mogadishu.
The Islamists control the south of Somalia and launch near-daily attacks on the Ethiopians propping up the government and 3,200 peacekeepers from Uganda and Burundi guarding key sites in Mogadishu.
"The president of Nigeria has confirmed to me personally that one Nigerian battalion will be sent to Somalia in a short time," African Union Commission Chairman Jean Ping said.
"He told me that the troops are equipped and ready, which makes me believe they will be sent in January," Ping told a meeting of regional foreign ministers. The battalion, preparing for deployment since August, numbers about 850 officers and men.
More than 10,000 civilians have been killed during the two-year insurgency, a million people have been uprooted and a third of the population need emergency aid. The chaos has led to an increase in kidnappings and offshore piracy.
Somalia's transitional government is also on the brink of collapse because of a rift between President Abdullahi Yusuf and Nur Hassan Hussein, the man he sacked as prime minister.
Washington and the African Union have sided with Hussein, accusing Yusuf of being an obstacle to peace and refusing to recognise a new prime minister he appointed last week.
IMMEDIATE SANCTIONS
The ministers in Addis Ababa at the meeting of the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the regional body spearheading the Somali peace process, agreed on Sunday to impose immediate sanctions on Yusuf.
"(IGAD) regrets the attempts by President Abdullahi Yusuf to unconstitutionally appoint a new prime minister that IGAD does not recognise and decides to impose sanctions on him and his associates immediately," it said in a statement.
Kenya said this week it could impose a travel ban and asset freeze on Somali leaders deemed to be hindering the process. Both Yusuf and Hussein are reported to be in the Kenyan capital Nairobi.
IGAD said it supported Kenya's intention to take action against Yusuf and called on other member states, the African Union and the United Nations to take similar steps.
The African Union's Peace and Security Council will meet in Addis Ababa on Monday to discuss Somalia.
The sanctions show how frustrated regional leaders have become with Somalia's feuding politicians at a time when Islamists are threatening to overrun Mogadishu.
The African Union force was intended to number 8,000 but attempts to find more soldiers have so far floundered. Uganda and Burundi have a battalion each ready to go, but need financial support and equipment to deploy.
The United Nations has also failed to put together a force to stabilise Somalia.
Fighting late on Friday between Islamists and Ethiopian soldiers in Mogadishu left at least two civilians dead and eight wounded, according to witnesses.
On Sunday, a convoy of Ugandan troops came under attack by insurgents on the road to the airport, according to Major Barigye Ba-Hoku, spokesmen for the AU force in Somalia. He said one soldier was wounded. (Additional reporting by Abdi Sheikh and Ibrahim Mohamed in Mogadishu, writing by David Clarke, editing by Tim Pearce)
Ethiopia's decision to withdraw its 3,000 or so troops from the anarchic Horn of Africa nation by the end of the year has raised fears the fractured, Western-backed government will collapse and Islamist insurgents seize the capital Mogadishu.
The Islamists control the south of Somalia and launch near-daily attacks on the Ethiopians propping up the government and 3,200 peacekeepers from Uganda and Burundi guarding key sites in Mogadishu.
"The president of Nigeria has confirmed to me personally that one Nigerian battalion will be sent to Somalia in a short time," African Union Commission Chairman Jean Ping said.
"He told me that the troops are equipped and ready, which makes me believe they will be sent in January," Ping told a meeting of regional foreign ministers. The battalion, preparing for deployment since August, numbers about 850 officers and men.
More than 10,000 civilians have been killed during the two-year insurgency, a million people have been uprooted and a third of the population need emergency aid. The chaos has led to an increase in kidnappings and offshore piracy.
Somalia's transitional government is also on the brink of collapse because of a rift between President Abdullahi Yusuf and Nur Hassan Hussein, the man he sacked as prime minister.
Washington and the African Union have sided with Hussein, accusing Yusuf of being an obstacle to peace and refusing to recognise a new prime minister he appointed last week.
IMMEDIATE SANCTIONS
The ministers in Addis Ababa at the meeting of the Inter Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the regional body spearheading the Somali peace process, agreed on Sunday to impose immediate sanctions on Yusuf.
"(IGAD) regrets the attempts by President Abdullahi Yusuf to unconstitutionally appoint a new prime minister that IGAD does not recognise and decides to impose sanctions on him and his associates immediately," it said in a statement.
Kenya said this week it could impose a travel ban and asset freeze on Somali leaders deemed to be hindering the process. Both Yusuf and Hussein are reported to be in the Kenyan capital Nairobi.
IGAD said it supported Kenya's intention to take action against Yusuf and called on other member states, the African Union and the United Nations to take similar steps.
The African Union's Peace and Security Council will meet in Addis Ababa on Monday to discuss Somalia.
The sanctions show how frustrated regional leaders have become with Somalia's feuding politicians at a time when Islamists are threatening to overrun Mogadishu.
The African Union force was intended to number 8,000 but attempts to find more soldiers have so far floundered. Uganda and Burundi have a battalion each ready to go, but need financial support and equipment to deploy.
The United Nations has also failed to put together a force to stabilise Somalia.
Fighting late on Friday between Islamists and Ethiopian soldiers in Mogadishu left at least two civilians dead and eight wounded, according to witnesses.
On Sunday, a convoy of Ugandan troops came under attack by insurgents on the road to the airport, according to Major Barigye Ba-Hoku, spokesmen for the AU force in Somalia. He said one soldier was wounded. (Additional reporting by Abdi Sheikh and Ibrahim Mohamed in Mogadishu, writing by David Clarke, editing by Tim Pearce)
Ethiopian army 'killed villagers'
BBC News (Dec 22 2008) - Ethiopia's Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) rebel group has accused government forces of killing about 50 people in an attack on a village.
The ONLF said troops had rounded up the villagers, before gunning them down.
It said more than 50 other people were wounded in the attack in the village of Moohaya in the south-east. Ethiopia's government has not reacted so far.
The Ethiopian military was accused of carrying out atrocities in the region by a rights group this year.
Human Rights Watch said in June the military had subjected civilians to executions, torture and rape in an attempt to put down the ONLF's rebellion.
The government denied that allegation and has dismissed similar accounts as "rebel propaganda".
The ONLF, founded in 1984, says it is fighting for the rights of the local Somali-speaking population.
The ONLF said troops had rounded up the villagers, before gunning them down.
It said more than 50 other people were wounded in the attack in the village of Moohaya in the south-east. Ethiopia's government has not reacted so far.
The Ethiopian military was accused of carrying out atrocities in the region by a rights group this year.
Human Rights Watch said in June the military had subjected civilians to executions, torture and rape in an attempt to put down the ONLF's rebellion.
The government denied that allegation and has dismissed similar accounts as "rebel propaganda".
The ONLF, founded in 1984, says it is fighting for the rights of the local Somali-speaking population.
The “Bleeping” Business of Corruption
By Alemayehu G. Mariam
The Audacity of Corruption: Illinois Style
Corruption here, corruption there, corruption everywhere! It seems the worldwide business of corruption is recession-proof. Last week, Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich was arrested on charges that he peddled the Senate seat held by President-elect Barack Obama to the highest bidder.
The foul-mouthed and self-indulgent governor was unrestrained in his sales pitch. Quoting wiretaps, U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald recounted key portions of Blagojevich’s conversations with others concerning the Senate seat: “We were approached pay to play, that you know, he raised me 500 grand, then the other guy would raise a million if I made him senator… It’s a f_ _ _ _ _ _ valuable thing. You just don’t give it away for nothing. I’ve got this thing, and it’s f_ _ _ _ _ _ golden.” [1] Fitzgerald had to bleep out Blagojevich’s numerous profanities at his press conference. President-elect Barack Obama was swift in condemning Blagojevich’s conduct, and in calling for his resignation. In separating himself from the culture of corruption in Illinois politics, the President-elect gave an insightful lesson on the meaning of public service: “Here in Illinois — as is true, I think, across the country—there is a tradition of public service, where people are getting in it for the right reasons and to serve. But there’s also a tradition where people view politics as a business. We have to reclaim a tradition of public service that is about people and their lives, and their hopes, and their dreams.”
The Business and Culture of Corruption: Ethiopian Style
A few days ago, the “former prime minister” Tamerat Layne was given early release after serving 12 years on an 18 year sentence for alleged corruption and abuse of power. Tamrat was released because he “showed good behaviour while imprisoned.” It can hardly be said that corruption in Ethiopia is limited to a few rogue officials at the top. To be sure, corruption prosecutions of top officials seem to be motivated not so much by a desire for clean government, but rather by calculations aimed at purging and incapacitating former political and business allies who are perceived to pose a challenge or threat to Zenawi. Seye Abraha was another victim of dubious corruption charges who served 6 years in prison. Just a few days ago, it was announced that Mekdes Aklilu, Board chairman of Nile Insurance and Abebaw Desta, a major shareholder of the Star Business Group, were being held on suspicion of corruption. Apparently, these two individuals were previously acquitted of corruption charges after serving five years in jail. There is that overpowering stench of political prosecution when it comes to former Zenawi allies-allegedly-turned-crooks.
The fact of the matter is that the culture of corruption is the modus operandi in the Ethiopian body politics. Former president Dr. Negasso Gidada clearly understood that when he declared in 2001 that “corruption has riddled state enterprises to the core,” adding that the government would show “an iron fist against corruption and graft as the illicit practices had now become endemic”. In 2007 when Ethiopia’s auditor general, Lema Aregaw, reported that Birr 600 million of state funds were missing from the regional coffers, Zenawi fired Lema and publicly defended the regional administrations’ “right to burn money.” That same year, Ethiopia was ranked among the most corrupt countries in the world (Ethiopia CPI rank 138/179; Eritrea, 111/179) by Transparency International (the Corruption Perception Index measures perceptions of the degree of corruption in a country as seen by business people, country analysts and experts who are locals in the countries evaluated and ranges between 10 (highly clean) and 0 (highly corrupt)). Ironically, in 2003, Ethiopia signed the U.N. Convention Against Corruption; and a couple of months ago, a conference on institutions, culture, and corruption was hosted jointly in Addis Ababa by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa.
“The Hubris Syndrome”: The Power of Corruption
The British historian Lord Acton said, “Power corrupts; and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” In other words, a person’s moral compass goes bonkers when his/her power increases. More recently, Lord Owen, a former British Foreign Secretary and a physician and neuroscientist by training, argued that power does not just corrupt politicians, it can actually drive some of them nuts. In his 2007 book, The Hubris Syndrome: Bush, Blair and the Intoxication of Power, Owen argued that for many politicians at the top, power has an intoxicating effect much the same as a mind-altering drug. They become hubristic (possessed of arrogance, pompous, overbearing, supercilious, and overconfident) and isolated and live in their own make-believe reality. Focusing on Bush and Blair, Owen argues that the dynamic duo in their hubristic incompetence manipulated intelligence and sought to find non-existent weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, while completely oblivious of the need for an exit strategy or a post-Saddam Iraqi reconstruction. The “hubris syndrome” is evident in Blagojevich’s wiretap transcript as he brazenly solicited prospective candidates to buy the Senate seat for hundreds of thousands of dollars. Zenawi bragged that he will crush the “jihadist threat” and exit “out of Somalia in a few weeks.” He called those who opposed his invasion “donkeys.” Two years later, thousands of Somalis have died and hundreds of thousands displaced. Zenawi now says he is leaving Somalia. The common denominator among these politicians is that they are intoxicated with power. They are disdainful of those who disagree with them believing that they are unaccountable to the law or the democratic process. Blair was mistaken in his belief. He was held accountable. Bush will soon leave office with the dubious honor of the most incompetent and dimwitted president in American history. Blagojevich will soon face accountability before a jury of 12.
The Corruption Fighters
There is nominally a Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (FEAC) in Ethiopia. Established in 2001, FEAC’s mission is to sensitize society that “corruption will not be tolerated by promoting ethics and anti-corruption education.” In 2005, FEAC established a website “so that the public would get access to it and obtain information on the Commission’s activities, performance, plans and programmes.”[2] The most current annual report posted by FEAC on its website is for EC 1998 [2005]. Accordingly, FEAC provides anti-corruption educational and training programs and performs corruption investigations. It has a public relations and ethics education division with 33 employees holding diplomas in “languages and literature, education, political science and international relations, theatrical arts, curriculum, and communication psychology.” A Corruption Investigation Department with 38 employees is “authorized to investigate suspected corruption offences where they are committed in public offices or public enterprises or in the regional offices relating to subsidies granted by the Federal Government to the regions.” Whistle blowers provide tips for corruption investigations. The Prosecution Department with 24 employees has the responsibility of prosecuting corruption cases and has pre-trial asset seizure powers. The Administration and Finance Department has 70 employees. The Corruption Prevention and Research Department has 28 employees. According to the website, “in full capacity, the FEACC is supposed to have a staff of 293 people… At the end of November 2006, it had 200 staffers, 93 professionals short of the required total.”
As the old saying goes, “The proof of the pudding is in the eating.” According the website, as of EC 1998 (2005), FEAC has “offered ethics and anti-corruption education to more than 15,000 people drawn from different cross-sections of the society, raising public awareness on the consequences, causes and manifestations of corruption.” Among the recipients of the ethics and anti-corruption education were 8,339 employees of 74 public enterprises and offices; 836 members of the Dire Dawa and Addis Ababa City Administrations Police Departments and 412 graduate students from the Arbaminch, Bahir Dar, Gondar, Adama and Haromaya Universities. FEAC has also conducted opinion surveys in “Oromia; Amhara; Tigray and South Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional States and the Addis Ababa City Administration.” It has “delivered advisory service for 267 ethics officers on how they should fight corruption,” and “developed five modular text materials, which are to be used as teaching materials in expanding ethics and anti-corruption education in the years to come.” FEAC gave over 52 press briefings and responded to information requests from some 866 organizations and individuals. Its staff “wrote some 35 articles (all of which were published in government papers) on corruption and mechanisms of fighting it. Tens of thousands of brochures, magazines, fliers and posters [have been distributed].”
According to information on the website, whistleblowers have triggered corruption investigations in the Office of the Ethiopian Olympic Committee, Wonji Showa Sugar Factory, Akaki Metal Works and Steel Factory, Guenet Hotel, Ethiopian Agricultural Research Organization, Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Agency and Muger Cement Factory. “On aggregate, the FEACC received 945 tips-off from whistleblowers and complainants on alleged corruption offences, infringement of rights and reprisals.” The Prosecution Department “filed charges against 79 alleged corruption offences… and obtained convictions in 28 cases. In total, 45 corruptors received from 3-13 years of imprisonment. The corruptors were found to be involved in the acts of forgery, extortion, bribery and nepotism.” (Italics added.)
In 2005, FEAC’s budget was Birr 10,322,386.46.
Corruption Mitigation in Ethiopia
Corruption persists in Ethiopia because there are people in power who benefit from it. Having the beneficiaries of corruption to oversee corruption control is like having the fox guard the henhouse. An anti-corruption commission has been at work in Ethiopia since 2001, but by 2007 Ethiopia is still classified as one of the most corrupt states in the world. The fact of the matter is that significant inroads against corruption in Ethiopia are currently impossible for many reasons. As Peter Eigen, chairman of Transparency International has observed, “in many parts of the world, the local people are resigned to the fact that there is corruption. They think there is nothing they can do about it. Therefore they more or less try to accommodate themselves, pay bribes themselves.” Most Ethiopians aware of the anti-corruption effort are likely to view the whole effort with a jaded eye. At best, corruption control in Ethiopia today is a matter of triage. Does one start tinkering with corruption at the very top, the bureaucratic middle or the street level traffic cop? In a recent analysis, Professor Seyd Hassan has demonstrated the systemic and structural nature of corruption in Ethiopia in his analysis of the “link between ethno-centric minority rule and the culture of corruption in the ruling regime.”[3] Prof. Hassan’s analysis shows the problems of anti-corruption campaigns in a one-party, one-man dictatorship. One can not reasonably expect to root out corruption by setting up a toothless anti-corruption commission or by paying lip-service to the cause of good governance to impress international donors. Effective anti-corruption efforts require an active democratic culture and a vigilant citizenry empowered to confront and fight corruption in daily life.
Genuine anti-corruption efforts must necessarily begin by empowering ordinary people to fight back against corruption. There are some successful experiments in grassroots anti-corruption efforts where ordinary people have been given the tools to fight back. In India, for instance, they have successfully organized local “vigilance commissions” in many towns and brought together the vulnerable and interested groups to probe into corruption. These commissions have put a dent in local corruption. In Bangalore, city residents have been involved in rating the quality of all major service providers in the city. The results were used to put pressure on government officials and service providers to ensure that service providers were accountable to citizens. In parts of Brazil they counter corruption by engaging citizens in “participatory budgeting.” By including citizens from various backgrounds in the process of budget allocation, they have been able to decrease levels of corruption and clientelism. In the U.S. many states and local governments use their grand jury system to investigate and prosecute corruption. Last month, for instance, a grand jury in South Texas indicted U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney and former attorney General Alberto Gonzales for “organized criminal activity” related to alleged abuse of inmates in private prisons.
There is also much to learn about corruption control from Botswana, regarded to be the least corrupt country in Africa according to Transparency International. It is said that a big welcoming poster adorns the Gaborone Airport in Botswana with an unusual message to incoming travelers: “Botswana has ZERO tolerance for corruption. It is illegal to offer or ask for a bribe.” In Botswana, they use the strategy of “name and shame” to educate and accentuate public awareness of corruption. Using the free press as a tool, for instance, Botswanans name and shame corrupt officials by publishing their photographs on the front pages with the headline: “Is this man corrupt?” Botswana’s top political leaders are said to maintain high levels of public integrity and teach by example. There does not appear to be a case of corruption prosecution of a government minister or top official in Botswana in recent memory. Peter Eigen credits Botswana’s success to the “Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime in Botswana [which] has processed thousands of [corruption] cases since 1994 and has made great strides against corruption.” In 2007, Botswana had a CPI score of 5.4 [38/179]. All of these examples point to the fact that citizen involvement and monitoring are very effective in reducing corruption and increasing public integrity. Creating a bloated self-perpetuating anti-corruption bureaucracy is mere window dressing. The real answer to corruption lies in the empowerment of ordinary people to defend themselves against their corrupt predators.
Prosecutions: Where the Rubber Meets the Road!
FEAC’s own data shows that bona fide corruption prosecutions and convictions are negligible. No doubt, education is a necessary component of an effective anti-corruption campaign. Education and training programs sensitize both the corrupt officials and their victims to the corrosive effects of corruption and the devastating impact it has on the poor and the general social welfare as resources are siphoned off from schools, hospitals, roads and other critical projects to line the pockets of those who are members of the offcialdom. But there are few deterrents to corruption that are as effective as vigorous prosecutions and asset forfeitures of corrupt officials. Bona fide criminal prosecutions with well-publicized trials of corrupt officials and tough prison sentences will go a long way in controlling corruption. Patrick Fitzgerald, the U.S. Attorney who filed the complaint against Blagojevich, had previously prosecuted and convicted Republican Illinois Governor George Ryan and 60 other officials and businessmen for racketeering, fraud and other crimes corruption. He also successfully prosecuted top aides to Chicago’s mayor, Richard Daily, and the Chicago City Clerk. Despite Fitzgerald’s unblemished prosecutorial record, Governor Blagojevich dared to run against his buzzsaw. (Nobody said corrupt criminals are necessarily smart.) Tough and relentless prosecutions will certainly put a dent in corruption in any country. There is no reason to believe that aggressive, uncompromising and relentless corruption investigations and prosecutions will not dampen the alacrity of predatory officials who make it their bleeping business to victimize and rip-off the poor and vulnerable in Ethiopia.
Corruption as a Human Rights Issue
There is a growing movement to make corruption a legitimate human rights issue. The movement draws its inspiration from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which under Article 28 prescribes that all people are “entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realised.” Peter Eigen, Chairman, Transparency International [Corruption Index] suggests, “[C]orruption leads to a violation of human rights in at least three respects: corruption perpetuates discrimination, corruption prevents the full realisation of economic, social, and cultural rights, and corruption leads to the infringement of numerous civil and political rights.” The poor and powerless bear the brunt of corruption throughout the world, which is in violation of the non-discrimination principles of the UDHR. More people are beginning to appreciate the fight against corruption is a human rights imperative.
Is it Futile to Fight the Bleeping Business of Corruption in Ethiopia?
Corruption in Ethiopia is an evil with a thousand faces. It is woven into the fabric of the political culture. The anecdotal evidence shared with us by so many Ethiopians is somewhat discouraging and dispiriting. It seems there are few things that are not tainted or stained by corruption. We are told of outright theft and embezzlement of public funds, misuse and misappropriation of state property, nepotism, bribery, official favors to friends and acquaintances and other forms of abuse of public authority and position to exact corrupt payments and privileges. Several months ago we learned that millions of dollars worth of gold simply walked out of the bank. Banks loan millions of dollars to front enterprises owned by regime officials or their supporters without sufficient or proper collateral. A high level official was secretly tape recorded trying to extort kickbacks from a Chinese official. The individual stories of corruption are shocking. Doctors can not treat their patients because medicines are diverted for private gain. Others are asked to pay tax on medicine and medical supplies brought in for public charity. Businessmen complain that they can not get permits and licenses without paying huge bribes or taking officials as silent partners. They complain that publicly owned assets are acquired by regime-supporters or officials through illegal transactions and fraud. Others complain they are unable to participate in public contracting without paying hefty bribes. Businessmen in the import/export business complain of corrupt customs practices. The judiciary is thoroughly corrupted through political interference. Ethiopians on holiday visits driving about town complain of shakedowns by police thugs on the streets. The anecdotal evidence of systemic corruption is just overwhelming.
We are cautioned not to get our hopes high. As one victim reminded us, “The thugs who are in power are bleeding the country dry to line their own pockets. They rule by the power of fear and greed. As long as they remain in power, corruption will remain rampant.” We would like to believe, as does President-elect Obama, that a tradition of public service and a culture of public integrity is the ultimate antidote to corruption. We also believe public service is “about people and their lives, and their hopes, and their dreams.” Those who are engaged in the business of corruption should heed Karl Kraus message: “Corruption is worse than prostitution. The latter might endanger the morals of an individual, the former invariably endangers the morals of the entire country.”
[1] http://www.chicagotribune.com/media/acrobat/2008-12/43789434.pdf
[2] http://www.feac.gov.et/
[2] http://www.ethiomedia.com/aurora/9120.html
The foul-mouthed and self-indulgent governor was unrestrained in his sales pitch. Quoting wiretaps, U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald recounted key portions of Blagojevich’s conversations with others concerning the Senate seat: “We were approached pay to play, that you know, he raised me 500 grand, then the other guy would raise a million if I made him senator… It’s a f_ _ _ _ _ _ valuable thing. You just don’t give it away for nothing. I’ve got this thing, and it’s f_ _ _ _ _ _ golden.” [1] Fitzgerald had to bleep out Blagojevich’s numerous profanities at his press conference. President-elect Barack Obama was swift in condemning Blagojevich’s conduct, and in calling for his resignation. In separating himself from the culture of corruption in Illinois politics, the President-elect gave an insightful lesson on the meaning of public service: “Here in Illinois — as is true, I think, across the country—there is a tradition of public service, where people are getting in it for the right reasons and to serve. But there’s also a tradition where people view politics as a business. We have to reclaim a tradition of public service that is about people and their lives, and their hopes, and their dreams.”
The Business and Culture of Corruption: Ethiopian Style
A few days ago, the “former prime minister” Tamerat Layne was given early release after serving 12 years on an 18 year sentence for alleged corruption and abuse of power. Tamrat was released because he “showed good behaviour while imprisoned.” It can hardly be said that corruption in Ethiopia is limited to a few rogue officials at the top. To be sure, corruption prosecutions of top officials seem to be motivated not so much by a desire for clean government, but rather by calculations aimed at purging and incapacitating former political and business allies who are perceived to pose a challenge or threat to Zenawi. Seye Abraha was another victim of dubious corruption charges who served 6 years in prison. Just a few days ago, it was announced that Mekdes Aklilu, Board chairman of Nile Insurance and Abebaw Desta, a major shareholder of the Star Business Group, were being held on suspicion of corruption. Apparently, these two individuals were previously acquitted of corruption charges after serving five years in jail. There is that overpowering stench of political prosecution when it comes to former Zenawi allies-allegedly-turned-crooks.
The fact of the matter is that the culture of corruption is the modus operandi in the Ethiopian body politics. Former president Dr. Negasso Gidada clearly understood that when he declared in 2001 that “corruption has riddled state enterprises to the core,” adding that the government would show “an iron fist against corruption and graft as the illicit practices had now become endemic”. In 2007 when Ethiopia’s auditor general, Lema Aregaw, reported that Birr 600 million of state funds were missing from the regional coffers, Zenawi fired Lema and publicly defended the regional administrations’ “right to burn money.” That same year, Ethiopia was ranked among the most corrupt countries in the world (Ethiopia CPI rank 138/179; Eritrea, 111/179) by Transparency International (the Corruption Perception Index measures perceptions of the degree of corruption in a country as seen by business people, country analysts and experts who are locals in the countries evaluated and ranges between 10 (highly clean) and 0 (highly corrupt)). Ironically, in 2003, Ethiopia signed the U.N. Convention Against Corruption; and a couple of months ago, a conference on institutions, culture, and corruption was hosted jointly in Addis Ababa by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa.
“The Hubris Syndrome”: The Power of Corruption
The British historian Lord Acton said, “Power corrupts; and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” In other words, a person’s moral compass goes bonkers when his/her power increases. More recently, Lord Owen, a former British Foreign Secretary and a physician and neuroscientist by training, argued that power does not just corrupt politicians, it can actually drive some of them nuts. In his 2007 book, The Hubris Syndrome: Bush, Blair and the Intoxication of Power, Owen argued that for many politicians at the top, power has an intoxicating effect much the same as a mind-altering drug. They become hubristic (possessed of arrogance, pompous, overbearing, supercilious, and overconfident) and isolated and live in their own make-believe reality. Focusing on Bush and Blair, Owen argues that the dynamic duo in their hubristic incompetence manipulated intelligence and sought to find non-existent weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, while completely oblivious of the need for an exit strategy or a post-Saddam Iraqi reconstruction. The “hubris syndrome” is evident in Blagojevich’s wiretap transcript as he brazenly solicited prospective candidates to buy the Senate seat for hundreds of thousands of dollars. Zenawi bragged that he will crush the “jihadist threat” and exit “out of Somalia in a few weeks.” He called those who opposed his invasion “donkeys.” Two years later, thousands of Somalis have died and hundreds of thousands displaced. Zenawi now says he is leaving Somalia. The common denominator among these politicians is that they are intoxicated with power. They are disdainful of those who disagree with them believing that they are unaccountable to the law or the democratic process. Blair was mistaken in his belief. He was held accountable. Bush will soon leave office with the dubious honor of the most incompetent and dimwitted president in American history. Blagojevich will soon face accountability before a jury of 12.
The Corruption Fighters
There is nominally a Federal Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (FEAC) in Ethiopia. Established in 2001, FEAC’s mission is to sensitize society that “corruption will not be tolerated by promoting ethics and anti-corruption education.” In 2005, FEAC established a website “so that the public would get access to it and obtain information on the Commission’s activities, performance, plans and programmes.”[2] The most current annual report posted by FEAC on its website is for EC 1998 [2005]. Accordingly, FEAC provides anti-corruption educational and training programs and performs corruption investigations. It has a public relations and ethics education division with 33 employees holding diplomas in “languages and literature, education, political science and international relations, theatrical arts, curriculum, and communication psychology.” A Corruption Investigation Department with 38 employees is “authorized to investigate suspected corruption offences where they are committed in public offices or public enterprises or in the regional offices relating to subsidies granted by the Federal Government to the regions.” Whistle blowers provide tips for corruption investigations. The Prosecution Department with 24 employees has the responsibility of prosecuting corruption cases and has pre-trial asset seizure powers. The Administration and Finance Department has 70 employees. The Corruption Prevention and Research Department has 28 employees. According to the website, “in full capacity, the FEACC is supposed to have a staff of 293 people… At the end of November 2006, it had 200 staffers, 93 professionals short of the required total.”
As the old saying goes, “The proof of the pudding is in the eating.” According the website, as of EC 1998 (2005), FEAC has “offered ethics and anti-corruption education to more than 15,000 people drawn from different cross-sections of the society, raising public awareness on the consequences, causes and manifestations of corruption.” Among the recipients of the ethics and anti-corruption education were 8,339 employees of 74 public enterprises and offices; 836 members of the Dire Dawa and Addis Ababa City Administrations Police Departments and 412 graduate students from the Arbaminch, Bahir Dar, Gondar, Adama and Haromaya Universities. FEAC has also conducted opinion surveys in “Oromia; Amhara; Tigray and South Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional States and the Addis Ababa City Administration.” It has “delivered advisory service for 267 ethics officers on how they should fight corruption,” and “developed five modular text materials, which are to be used as teaching materials in expanding ethics and anti-corruption education in the years to come.” FEAC gave over 52 press briefings and responded to information requests from some 866 organizations and individuals. Its staff “wrote some 35 articles (all of which were published in government papers) on corruption and mechanisms of fighting it. Tens of thousands of brochures, magazines, fliers and posters [have been distributed].”
According to information on the website, whistleblowers have triggered corruption investigations in the Office of the Ethiopian Olympic Committee, Wonji Showa Sugar Factory, Akaki Metal Works and Steel Factory, Guenet Hotel, Ethiopian Agricultural Research Organization, Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Agency and Muger Cement Factory. “On aggregate, the FEACC received 945 tips-off from whistleblowers and complainants on alleged corruption offences, infringement of rights and reprisals.” The Prosecution Department “filed charges against 79 alleged corruption offences… and obtained convictions in 28 cases. In total, 45 corruptors received from 3-13 years of imprisonment. The corruptors were found to be involved in the acts of forgery, extortion, bribery and nepotism.” (Italics added.)
In 2005, FEAC’s budget was Birr 10,322,386.46.
Corruption Mitigation in Ethiopia
Corruption persists in Ethiopia because there are people in power who benefit from it. Having the beneficiaries of corruption to oversee corruption control is like having the fox guard the henhouse. An anti-corruption commission has been at work in Ethiopia since 2001, but by 2007 Ethiopia is still classified as one of the most corrupt states in the world. The fact of the matter is that significant inroads against corruption in Ethiopia are currently impossible for many reasons. As Peter Eigen, chairman of Transparency International has observed, “in many parts of the world, the local people are resigned to the fact that there is corruption. They think there is nothing they can do about it. Therefore they more or less try to accommodate themselves, pay bribes themselves.” Most Ethiopians aware of the anti-corruption effort are likely to view the whole effort with a jaded eye. At best, corruption control in Ethiopia today is a matter of triage. Does one start tinkering with corruption at the very top, the bureaucratic middle or the street level traffic cop? In a recent analysis, Professor Seyd Hassan has demonstrated the systemic and structural nature of corruption in Ethiopia in his analysis of the “link between ethno-centric minority rule and the culture of corruption in the ruling regime.”[3] Prof. Hassan’s analysis shows the problems of anti-corruption campaigns in a one-party, one-man dictatorship. One can not reasonably expect to root out corruption by setting up a toothless anti-corruption commission or by paying lip-service to the cause of good governance to impress international donors. Effective anti-corruption efforts require an active democratic culture and a vigilant citizenry empowered to confront and fight corruption in daily life.
Genuine anti-corruption efforts must necessarily begin by empowering ordinary people to fight back against corruption. There are some successful experiments in grassroots anti-corruption efforts where ordinary people have been given the tools to fight back. In India, for instance, they have successfully organized local “vigilance commissions” in many towns and brought together the vulnerable and interested groups to probe into corruption. These commissions have put a dent in local corruption. In Bangalore, city residents have been involved in rating the quality of all major service providers in the city. The results were used to put pressure on government officials and service providers to ensure that service providers were accountable to citizens. In parts of Brazil they counter corruption by engaging citizens in “participatory budgeting.” By including citizens from various backgrounds in the process of budget allocation, they have been able to decrease levels of corruption and clientelism. In the U.S. many states and local governments use their grand jury system to investigate and prosecute corruption. Last month, for instance, a grand jury in South Texas indicted U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney and former attorney General Alberto Gonzales for “organized criminal activity” related to alleged abuse of inmates in private prisons.
There is also much to learn about corruption control from Botswana, regarded to be the least corrupt country in Africa according to Transparency International. It is said that a big welcoming poster adorns the Gaborone Airport in Botswana with an unusual message to incoming travelers: “Botswana has ZERO tolerance for corruption. It is illegal to offer or ask for a bribe.” In Botswana, they use the strategy of “name and shame” to educate and accentuate public awareness of corruption. Using the free press as a tool, for instance, Botswanans name and shame corrupt officials by publishing their photographs on the front pages with the headline: “Is this man corrupt?” Botswana’s top political leaders are said to maintain high levels of public integrity and teach by example. There does not appear to be a case of corruption prosecution of a government minister or top official in Botswana in recent memory. Peter Eigen credits Botswana’s success to the “Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime in Botswana [which] has processed thousands of [corruption] cases since 1994 and has made great strides against corruption.” In 2007, Botswana had a CPI score of 5.4 [38/179]. All of these examples point to the fact that citizen involvement and monitoring are very effective in reducing corruption and increasing public integrity. Creating a bloated self-perpetuating anti-corruption bureaucracy is mere window dressing. The real answer to corruption lies in the empowerment of ordinary people to defend themselves against their corrupt predators.
Prosecutions: Where the Rubber Meets the Road!
FEAC’s own data shows that bona fide corruption prosecutions and convictions are negligible. No doubt, education is a necessary component of an effective anti-corruption campaign. Education and training programs sensitize both the corrupt officials and their victims to the corrosive effects of corruption and the devastating impact it has on the poor and the general social welfare as resources are siphoned off from schools, hospitals, roads and other critical projects to line the pockets of those who are members of the offcialdom. But there are few deterrents to corruption that are as effective as vigorous prosecutions and asset forfeitures of corrupt officials. Bona fide criminal prosecutions with well-publicized trials of corrupt officials and tough prison sentences will go a long way in controlling corruption. Patrick Fitzgerald, the U.S. Attorney who filed the complaint against Blagojevich, had previously prosecuted and convicted Republican Illinois Governor George Ryan and 60 other officials and businessmen for racketeering, fraud and other crimes corruption. He also successfully prosecuted top aides to Chicago’s mayor, Richard Daily, and the Chicago City Clerk. Despite Fitzgerald’s unblemished prosecutorial record, Governor Blagojevich dared to run against his buzzsaw. (Nobody said corrupt criminals are necessarily smart.) Tough and relentless prosecutions will certainly put a dent in corruption in any country. There is no reason to believe that aggressive, uncompromising and relentless corruption investigations and prosecutions will not dampen the alacrity of predatory officials who make it their bleeping business to victimize and rip-off the poor and vulnerable in Ethiopia.
Corruption as a Human Rights Issue
There is a growing movement to make corruption a legitimate human rights issue. The movement draws its inspiration from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which under Article 28 prescribes that all people are “entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fully realised.” Peter Eigen, Chairman, Transparency International [Corruption Index] suggests, “[C]orruption leads to a violation of human rights in at least three respects: corruption perpetuates discrimination, corruption prevents the full realisation of economic, social, and cultural rights, and corruption leads to the infringement of numerous civil and political rights.” The poor and powerless bear the brunt of corruption throughout the world, which is in violation of the non-discrimination principles of the UDHR. More people are beginning to appreciate the fight against corruption is a human rights imperative.
Is it Futile to Fight the Bleeping Business of Corruption in Ethiopia?
Corruption in Ethiopia is an evil with a thousand faces. It is woven into the fabric of the political culture. The anecdotal evidence shared with us by so many Ethiopians is somewhat discouraging and dispiriting. It seems there are few things that are not tainted or stained by corruption. We are told of outright theft and embezzlement of public funds, misuse and misappropriation of state property, nepotism, bribery, official favors to friends and acquaintances and other forms of abuse of public authority and position to exact corrupt payments and privileges. Several months ago we learned that millions of dollars worth of gold simply walked out of the bank. Banks loan millions of dollars to front enterprises owned by regime officials or their supporters without sufficient or proper collateral. A high level official was secretly tape recorded trying to extort kickbacks from a Chinese official. The individual stories of corruption are shocking. Doctors can not treat their patients because medicines are diverted for private gain. Others are asked to pay tax on medicine and medical supplies brought in for public charity. Businessmen complain that they can not get permits and licenses without paying huge bribes or taking officials as silent partners. They complain that publicly owned assets are acquired by regime-supporters or officials through illegal transactions and fraud. Others complain they are unable to participate in public contracting without paying hefty bribes. Businessmen in the import/export business complain of corrupt customs practices. The judiciary is thoroughly corrupted through political interference. Ethiopians on holiday visits driving about town complain of shakedowns by police thugs on the streets. The anecdotal evidence of systemic corruption is just overwhelming.
We are cautioned not to get our hopes high. As one victim reminded us, “The thugs who are in power are bleeding the country dry to line their own pockets. They rule by the power of fear and greed. As long as they remain in power, corruption will remain rampant.” We would like to believe, as does President-elect Obama, that a tradition of public service and a culture of public integrity is the ultimate antidote to corruption. We also believe public service is “about people and their lives, and their hopes, and their dreams.” Those who are engaged in the business of corruption should heed Karl Kraus message: “Corruption is worse than prostitution. The latter might endanger the morals of an individual, the former invariably endangers the morals of the entire country.”
[1] http://www.chicagotribune.com/media/acrobat/2008-12/43789434.pdf
[2] http://www.feac.gov.et/
[2] http://www.ethiomedia.com/aurora/9120.html
Sunday, December 21, 2008
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á¨áá´áŤá ááᤠáá á áś áłááŤáľá á¨áᎠ9 á°á¨áłážá˝ áá ááá˘áľ 18 áá 1989 á.á á¨ááááŞáŤáá ááľ á áá¨á ፡፡ ááąá á˛áłá áááś áĽá 25 áá 1992 á.á á¨áĽáá°áááľ ááłá á°á ፡፡ á¨ááą áᏠááá (ááĽáĽ) á áśáľáľ á°á¨áá á¨áá¨á áá á፡፡
á¨ááááŞáŤá ááľ á¨ááááĽáľá ááł ááááá á áá á¨áźá ááááľ áá´á á áá áᲠá¨áá°áąáľ 16 áááŽá áśááá á¨1áşá áśá áĄá á˝áŤá áá á¨ááá˝ ááĽá¨á á áŽáťá¸á áá á ááá ááá áĽá á á áááá፡፡ á¨á˘áľáŽáľáŤ áĄá áá ፠áľáá áľá á°ááľáś áĽáľá ááľáĽ áĽáá˛áᣠá°á°ááá á¨áá áá፡፡ á áá ááľ 1á á°á¨áłá˝ á áś áłááŤáľ á¨á áá áᲠááł ááá፠á°á áľáŹááá áŤááľ áááἠá¨ááł á á¨ááá áĽáááľ á áá°á¨á°áá፡፡ ááááĄá áááł ááá፠áłááá á4áá á°á¨áłá˝ áá áś áá´á á áĽá°á áá˛á (á¨á/Ꭰáťáá˛áŤ áá ) á¨áŁáá ááłáĽ ááľáĽ áá á¨ááŁá፡፡ á¨ááŤá ááá°á á¨áááá á¨á áś áá´á á áĽá°á á áŤáááľ á áĄá˛ áá°áááá áá° á/Ꭰáťáá˛áŤ á áŤáááľ á°áááá፡፡ á/Ꭰáťáá˛áŤ ááááĄá á¨áŤáłá¸á á áá áá áś áá´á áá¨áááá¸áá፣ á á áś áłááŤáľ ááá á¨4 áááľ áááľ áá áĽáá áłááŤáľ áľá á á˛ááááááľ áŁáá á áŤáááľ á¨áá°áá á¨áá áááľ áŤáá áá፡፡
ááá°áá ááľ á áś áłááŤáľ á¨á áá፣ á¨áśáá፣ á¨ááá¤á፣ á¨á¤ááťááá áááá˝ á 1998 á¨á ááľ áááľ á ááą á¨ááááľ á¨áŽááľáľáŤáá˝á áá áĽáľááá áľ ááťáá á áááľ 67.3 áááŽá áĽá áŤááľ á˘áá°ááá˝áá áááŁá áľáá áľ á¨á¨áł á á¸ááá á áá áĽáá˛á°áĽ á áľáááá á¨áá áá፡፡ áááľáá áĽá á áᢠáĽáá˛áá áá áľáŹá˛áá áĽá áááááá á¨ááŁá áľáá áśá˝ á á¨á¨áłá ááłá°áá¸áá á°á á áˇá፡፡
áśáľá°áá ááľ á¨ááá áŁáá á á°áá áááἠáááááľ áĽáŤ á ááŁá á¨á¨áł áąáá á¨á°áŁá áŠáŁá፠á á¸áá áĽáŤá áśá ፠áááŁá á¨áá¨ááŁá áŠáŁá፠1 áááŽá áśáá áĽá°áŁáá á áááľ áąáá á°á°áá áśá ፠á á¸áá áĽáá˛áá á áľáááá፡፡ ááááĄáá á áĽá¨á á°á¨áľá°á á¨áá áŠáľ á/Ꭰáťá˛áŤ áá˛á á°ááĽááá á¨áá áá፡፡
á/á¤áą ááááĄá áááᎠáĽá 25 áá 1992 á.á á áś áłááŤáľ ááá á áśáľáąá ááśá˝ áĽáá°á áá¸á á˛á ááľáá፡፡
áá áá á°á¨áľá ááá˘áľ 5 áá 1992 á.á á¨áá´áŤá á á áá á/á¤áľ áŁáľá°áááá á¨á áŁáľ ááłá á áś áłááŤáľ ááá á 18 áááľ áĽáĽáŤáľ áĽá 15áş áĽá á¨áááἠááᎠáĽááŁá¸áá፡፡
á á°á¨ááŞá á áĄá á˝áŤá á¨á°áááá á á/Ꭰáťáá˛áŤ á¨áŁáá ááłáĽ á¨ááŁá 4.2 áááŽá áśáá፣ á áŚáľá°áá ááľ á¨á°ááá¨á°á á¨áśá፠áŠáŁá፠áá á¨á°ááŁá 1 áááŽá áśáá ááľáĽ 3á á°á¨áłá˝ ááłáĽ á¨ááŁá 900áş áśáá áááááĽáľ áᢠáĽáá˛áá ááľáá፡፡
á¨áźá á áá áᲠá¨á°ááá 16 áááŽá áśáá 3á á°á¨áłá˝ ááłáĽ ááĽá á áľááľá á¨ááŁá 9 áááŽá áśáá፣ 5á á°á¨áłá˝ áᢠáŤá°á¨ááľ 556áş 324 áĽá á¨05 áśáá፣ 4á á°á¨áłá˝ á¨áá°áąáľ 6 áááŽá 443áşá 144áĽá á¨70 áśáá ááŁáá¤áą áĽáá˛áááľ á á áĽá፠áľáá˝ ááľáá፡፡
á á áś áłááŤáľ ááá áááἠá¨áá¨áĄáľ 9 á°á¨áłážá˝ ááŤá¨á áááą á´áśá˝ áá áŠ፡፡ áĽááąá á/Ꭰáťáá˛áŤ áá˛á áĽá á/Ꭰáááł á/á áááľ á˛áá 2á፣6á፣7á፣8á á°á¨áłážá˝ áá¨áá¨á áłáŤáľáááá¸á á áá áĽáá˛á°áá áą á/á¤áą áá°á á˛á áĽáá á°áĽáˇá፡፡ á¨á/Ꭰáťáá˛áŤ áá áá´á á áĽá°á áá á áá á áááá¸á á/á¤áľ áááᥠáľáááťá ááłáŤá¸á á ááá áľ áłááˇá፡፡
á¨ááľááĽáá ááľ ááłá
á¨ááľááĽáá ááľ ááá 30 áá 1989 á.á á¨á°áá á¨á° áá፡፡ á ááą á¨á°áŤá°áąáľ á áś áłááŤáľ፣ á áś ááááľ፣ á/Ꭰáťáá˛áŤ፣ á áś ááá´ áĽá á áś áá´á áá¸á፡፡ á¨ááą ááááŤáľá á°á¨áłážá˝ á áá ááŁáĽ á¨á°áá°á°áá á¨ááááĽáľ ááĽáľ áááľá 1áşá áśá á¨áĄá ááá áአáአááŞáá˝ áááľá¨áá á áĽá 32 áááŹá 512áşá 346 áĽá áááľ á¨áá¨á áá፡፡ áá¸á ááľ á¨ááľá áááľá´á ááá 14 áá 1990 á.á ááťá˝á áĽá áŤáťáťáá á áá á ááľáĽáá áááááľ á áĽá 34 áááŽá 209 áşá 987 áĽá á¨96 áŁáá˛á á¨á á ááľá¨á á˛áłá áááˇá፡፡
á á᪠áŁáá á°ááá§á áľáá°áŁáá ááááĽ
á áś áłááŤáľ ááá á ááá¸á áľá á áľááľ áŁáá á áľááá ááłá á¨á°áŁááá 8 áááŽá áśáá áááľáááľ ááááĽáľ á¨áá°á áĽá¨áľ áĽáá°ááŤá°áá á á°á°ááá áá..á፡፡
á˘á˘á˛ á áá¨áľ áŚá á ááŞáŤ ááŽááŤá á áś áłááŤáľ ááá á áľááľ áŁáá áŤáľáááĄáľá áááἠá¨á˘áľáŽáľáŤ ááááĽáľ áŁáá¨á á áĽáŤá áá á¨áľ áááľá áľ áááąá፣ ááá áá á°ááá áŤá á 30 áááľ áĽáá˛áŤáłáá á¨áŁáአáŁááĽááŁááľ ááľáłááá¸áá á á áś ááá˘áľ 25 áá 1990 á.á ááጠáá á፡፡ á áá áą á¨á áś áłááŤáľ ááá á á áá˝ á áŞáŚá¤ á áŠá áááłáá á ááľá°áŁá á “á°áá áá˝á á áľááľ áŁáá áŤáľáááĄáľ áááἠá¨áá” á˛á á áľá°áŁáĽááá፡፡
á áá áą á /á áááľ ááá ááľáá áááááľ áááá˘á áááś áá á á°áŤáá° á ááľ áľáĽá°áŁ áá á¨áľááľ áŁáá ááľáá áŤá á¨áłáłá á˛á á áá¨á áŤá áľá˝áľ á°ááá¨áá፡፡ á /áááľáľáŠ áá áá á ááŁá á˛áŤáľá¨áąá “á áá˛áľ á´áľ á¨á˛ááááááľ á ááŁáłá°á á á°ááá áľ á áľááľ áŁáá áŤá áááἠááááľ áĽá ááááá áá á፡፡ á¨áľááľ áŁáá áá á¨á´áľá¨á ááŞá áá á¨áá ááá°áĽ á á¤áąáł á ááľááľ á ááááľá á áá፡፡ á áĽá á áááŤá¨áľ ááá á´áľ á áááá áááᥠááááľ áľáľá ááŞá á¨ááŁáá á ááááľá á áááą áááἠáá¨áá¨á áľááá á áááľááá” á˛á á°ááá¨áá፡፡ á áá áą á /áááľáľáŠ á´áľá¨á áŤáá¸á á/Ꭰáťáá˛áŤ áá˛á á˛áá ááŞá á¨á°áŁáá ááá¸á áá´á áá˛á áĽáá°áá á áłááá፡፡
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